3  1822  01203  7420 


fHfc  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 
DIVERSITY  SAN  DiEfit 

LA, 


;  iiuh 


I 


THE  FRENCH  TRAGI -COMEDY 


Its  Origin  and  Development  from 
1552  to  1628 


DISSERTATION  SUBMITTED  TO  THE  BOARD  OP  UNIVERSITY  STUDIES  OF  THE  JOHNS  HOPKINS 

UNIVERSITY  IN  CONFORMITY   WITH  THE    REQUIREMENTS  FOR  THE  DEGREE 

OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY. 


HENRY  CARRINGTON  LANCASTER 


BALTIMORE 

J.    H.    FURST    COMPANY 

1907 


....    . 

•  - 


TO  MY  MOTHER. 


r- 


TABLE  OF   CONTENTS 


Paue. 

Introduction ix 

Scope  of  the  Dissertation  (ix) — Sources  of  Information  (xi) — Critical 
Opinions  of  the  Tragi-Comedy  (xi) — Definition  of  the  Tragi- 
comedy (xxiv). 

Chapter  I — The  Sources  of  the  French  Tragi-Comedy 1 

Its  relation  to  the  Medieval  Drama  (1) — to  the  Drama  of  Greece 
and  Rome  (16) — to  the  Tragi-Comedy  of  Other  European  Nations  : 
A.  The  Earliest  Tragi-Comedies  (24);  B.  Non-French  Tragi- 
comedies from  1513  to  15S2  (27) — Conclusions  (35). 

Chapter  II — The  French  Tragi-Comedy  of  the  XVI  Century...  36 

The  Mondite  as  Tragi-Comedy  (37) — the  Mystere  of  Biblical  Plot  as 
Tragi-Comedy  (48) — the  Myslere  of  Romanesque  Plot  as  Tragi- 
Comedy  (61) — the  Farce  as  Tragi-Comedy  (70) — the  Pastoral  and 
Foreign  Play  as  Tragi-Comedy  (72) — General  Characteristics  (73). 

Chapter  III— The  Tragi-Comedy  in  the  XVII  Century  Before 

Roteou  and  Corneiele  (1600-1628) 84 

The  Non-Romanesque  Tragi-Comedy:  Analyses  and  Divisions  (85); 
Characterization  (94) — The  Romanesque  Tragi-Comedy:  Analyses 
and  Sources  (102);  Characterization  (132). 

Chapter  IV — Subsequent  History  of  the  Tragi-Comedy 148 

The  Period  from  1628  to  1636  (148)— Decline  of  the  Tragi-Comedy 
(151) — Reasons  for  its  extinction  (152) — Conclusions. 

Appendix  A — Non-French  Tragi-ComediEs  Written  Before  1582.        155 

Appendix  B — French  Tragi-Comedies  from  1552  to  1636  : 

I     The  Sixteenth  Century 163 

ii    The  Seventeenth  Century  Before  Rotrou  (1628) 168 

in  From  Rotrou's  First  Tragi-Comedy  to  the  Oid  (1628-1636) 178 

Bibliography 182 

Life , 191 


Note  : — The  few  abbreviations  used  for  the  titles  of  books  cited  in  the  following 
pages  are  explained  by  reference  to  their  authors,  listed  in  the  Bibliography. 

In  quoting  names,  titles,  and  passages  from  French  authors,  I  have  endeavored 
as  far  as  possible  to  reproduce  the  original  orthography,  accentuation,  etc.,  rather 
than  to  use  the  system  current  in  contemporary  French. 


IiNTRODUCTION. 


Toward  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  there  developed  in 
France  a  variety  of  the  drame  libre  that  represented,  in  a  classical 
form,  the  essential  qualities  of  the  medieval  drama.  Under  the 
term  tragi-comedie  it  included  types  as  various  as  the  medieval 
genres  from  which  they  sprung,  united  by  the  common  possession 
of  a  happy  denouement,  a  classical  form  and  name.  After  a  period 
of  confusion,  which  lasted  throughout  the  sixteenth  century,  came 
the  predominance  of  the  romanesque  tragi-comedy,  which  grew  to 
be,  not  only  the  leading  type  of  the  genre,  but  the  most  popular 
dramatic  kind  at  Paris,  so  continuing  till  succeeded  in  the  public 
favor  by  the  classical  tragedy  and  comedy.  The  tragi-comedy 
continued  for  some  years  to  be  written,  but  toward  1672,  after  an 
existence  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  years,  came  to  an  end  as  an 
independent  genre. 

It  had  been  as  M.  Faguet  describes  it,  "  tout  un  genre,  et  un 
genre  tres  important  et  precieux."  1  It  had  formed  an  integral 
part  in  the  evolution  of  the  French  drama,  filling  the  stage 
between  the  sixteenth  century  dramatists  and  Pierre  Corneille. 
For  forty  years  the  chief  expression  of  the  form  of  dramatic  art 
that  is  popular  in  its  appeal,  it  must  be  studied  for  any  complete 
history  of  the  French  people  or  their  stage.  By  such  study  can 
be  seen  both  how  the  scholastic  drama  of  the  sixteenth  century 
became  popularized,  and  whence  Corneille  drew  his  practical 
knowledge  of  the  stage.  The  history  of  the  tragi-comedy  shows 
that  the  French  had  for  a  long  period  cultivated  a  type  of 
dramatic  composition  akin  to  that  which  reached  such  perfection 
in  England  and  Spain,  so  that  their  failure  to  produce  a  Shakspere, 
or  Lope,  is  not  assignable,  as  many  have  intimated,  to  the  repress- 
ing influence  of  classical  rules. 

The  tragi-comedy,  furthermore,  deserves    study  as  giving   an 

1  La  Tragedie  fran$aise  au  XVIe  si&cle,  233. 

ix 


x  Introduction. 

excellent  example  of  the  Evolution  des  genres,  about  which  the  late 
M.  Brunetiere  wrote  so  suggestively.1  In  its  development  may  be 
observed  the  creation  of  the  genre  out  of  other  dramatic  forms,  its 
early  inclusion  of  a  number  of  rudimentary  types,  the  survival 
and  predominance  of  the  romanesque  as  the  fittest  of  these,  the 
growth  of  this  successful  form  in  the  hands  of  Hardy  and  his 
contemporaries  with  occasional  reversions  to  the  older  types,  its 
literary  culmination  in  the  Cid,  later  decline,  loss  from  the 
depredations  of  nearly  related  forms  and  final  extinction.  This 
evidences  a  whole  cycle  of  literary  evolution,  which  repays  in- 
vestigation, not  only  for  its  own  sake,  but  for  that  of  other  genres 
in  which  the  process  may  be  equally  true,  but  less  apparent. 

It  is  my  purpose  to  trace  this  evolution  as  far  as  the  year  1628, 
which  marks  the  end  of  the  development  of  the  tragi-comedy  and 
the  beginning  of  the  twenty  years  in  which  its  greatest  sucesses 
lie.  It  is  the  year  in  which  Hardy  completed  the  publication  of 
his  extant  plays,  while  Rotrou  brought  out  his  first  tragi-comedy 
and  a  comedy  that  started  the  French  imitation  of  the  Spanish 
drama.  In  the  following  year,  moreover,  Corneille  began  his 
dramatic  career  and  Scudery  composed  his  first  tragi-comedy. 
Thus  1628  dates,  in  a  way,  the  end  of  one  generation  of  tragi- 
comic authors  and  the  beginning  of  another.  As  the  first  period 
(1552-1628)  includes  the  beginnings  of  the  genre  in  France  and 
the  development  of  its  various  dramatic  qualities,  so  the  second 
period  (1628-1672)  covers  years  of  popularity,  in  which  the 
causes  of  its  subsequent  decay  may  be  detected,  and  years  of 
disintegration,  which  resulted  in  the  absorption  of  the  genre  by 
the  tragedy  and  the  comedy. 

At  some  time  I  hope  to  treat  the  second  of  these  periods,  but 
at  present  I  confine  myself  to  the  first.  The  following  pages 
will  therefore  be  devoted  to  an  investigation  of  the  sources  of  the 
tragi-comedy,  as  they  are  found  in  France  and  other  parts  of 
Europe,  to  the  development  of  the  genre  in  the  former  country, 
and  to  a  study  of  the  tragi-comedies  written  from  1552  to  1628, 
in  order  to  show  their  authorship,  structure,  sources,  treatment 
of  subject,  character,  and  incident. 

1  Especially  in  JJ  Evolution  des  Genres. 


Introduction.  xi 

In  this  investigation  I  have  relied  chiefly  on  the  plays  them- 
selves, extant  at  Paris  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  and  the 
Bibliotheque  de  1' Arsenal.  I  have  also  used  various  catalogues 
of  plays,  of  which  the  chief  are  those  by  La  Croix  du  Maine,  du 
Verdier,  Beauchamps,  Freres  Parfaict,  Leris,  Allacci,  Riccoboni, 
La  Valliere,  Soleinne,  and  Brunet.1  Of  these  the  last  three  have 
been  of  especial  value  to  rue  from  the  extent  and  comparative 
reliability  of  their  information.  Other  catalogue-writers,  those 
named  above  as  well  as  those  of  lesser  importance  mentioned  in 
my  bibliography,  have  been  consulted  with  caution. 

My  indebtedness  to  other  authors,  chiefly  for  general  accounts 
of  the  period,  or  the  history  of  other  dramatic  genres,  is  indicated 
in  my  bibliography.  Among  the  works  that  have  been  of  greatest 
assistance  to  me  may  be  mentioned  the  enlightening  criticisms  of 
M.  Brunetiere  and  M.  Lanson,  the  excellent  treatises  of  M.  Rigal 
on  Alexandre  Hardy  and  the  contemporary  theater,  and  the  valu- 
able historical  researches  of  MM.  Faguet,  Petit  de  Julleville, 
Creizenach,  Marsan,  Ebert,  Fournel  and  Chasles.2 

Not  only  does  no  special  treatment  of  the  tragi-comedy  exist, 
but  literary  historians  of  the  period  have  assigned  it  only  a  few 
pages  at  most,  usually  only  a  few  lines.  Certain  plays,  it  is  true, 
have  received  much  attention,  as  those  of  Hardy,  Mairet,  Scudery, 
and  Rotrou,  the  Bradamante  of  Gamier,  and  the  Tyr  et  Sidon  of 
Schelandre.2  But  minor  authors  have  been  neglected,  and  no 
comprehensive  account  of  the  whole  field  has  been  presented. 
Criticism,  in  fact,  has  been  largely  reduced  to  a  matter  of  defini- 
tion, which  in  some  cases  is  based  on  scant  acquaintance  with 
extant  forms  of  the  genre,  though  in  others  it  is  both  apt  and 
suggestive.  Before  beginning  an  historical  investigation  of  the 
plays,  I  must  turn  to  those  definitions  that  are  of  importance. 

The  Freres  Parfaict 3  hold  that  the  tragi-comedy  is  "  une  action 
singuliere  qui  se  passe  entre  des  personnes  d'une  naissance  dis- 
tinguee,  m£nie  entre  des  Rois  et  des  Princes,  dans  laquelle  il  n'y  a 
aucun  danger  pour  la  vie  des  principaux  Personnages."  3     They 

xFor  titles  of  works,  dates,  etc.,  see  Bibliography. 

2  For  references,  cf.  the  Bibliography. 

3  Histoire  du  Theatre  francois,  III,  455. 


xii  Introduction. 

naively  add,  that  this  rule  has  not  been  observed  in  the  Brada- 
mante  of  Gamier.  Had  they  investigated  further,  they  would 
have  found  that  there  are  few  tragi-cornedies  that  do  not  follow 
the  example  of  the  Bradamante.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is 
exceedingly  common  for  the  lives  of  the  principal  persons  to  be 
endangered,  so  that  this  definition  appears  somewhat  absurd.  It 
is  of  interest,  however,  to  note  that  the  Freres  Parfaict  do  not 
define  the  genre  as  a  mixing  of  tragic  and  comic  elements. 

Guizot  comes  nearer  the  truth  in  a  purely  negative  way  when 
he  declares  that  it  is  difficult  to  determine  the  difference  between 
the  tragedy  and  the  tragi-comedy,  for  "  elle  ne  tient  ni  a  la  nature 
du  sujet  ni  au  rang  des  personnages."  l 

Fournel  describes  rather  than  defines  the  genre  in  his  statement 
that  "  La  tragi-comedie  fut  comme  un  asile  legal  ouvert  a  ceux 
que  genaient  les  lois  naissantes,  une  sorte  de  compromis  poli- 
tique avec  les  actes  d'indiscipline  qu'on  ne  pouvait  empecher 
et  auxquels  on  voulait  du  moins  enlever  prudemment  les  appa- 
rences  de  la  revoke.  .  .  .  Elle  fut  introduite  par  le  besoin  de  la 
vari£te,  et  le  desir  de  tirer  parti  d'un  grand  nombre  de  sujets 
curieux  qui  se  derobaient  aux  classifications  exclusives."  2 

This  view  of  the  freedom  that  is  essential  to  the  tragi-comedy 
had  been  expressed  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  by  Marc 
de  Papillon  (1597)  in  the  following  quatrain  : 

Je  n'ensuy  en  cette  ceuvre  icy 
La  facon  de  l'ardeur  antique, 
C'est  pourquoi  je  la  nomme  aussi 
La  Nouvelle  tragi-comique.3 

Ebert  is  of  the  same  mind  as  Papillon,  when  he  assigns  to  the 
tragi-comedy  "  unter  andern  Freiheiten  auch  die  Einmischung  des 
Komischen,"  4  Larroumet  implies  the  freedom  of  the  genre  when 
he  writes  that  it  "  emprunte  ses  elements  au  roman ;  dans  le 
roman  Pimagination  se  donne  libre  carriere." 5  Brunetiere  declares 
that  "  la  liberte,  c'est  son  domaine  et  aussi  son  moyen."  6 

1  Corneille  et  son  temps,  135.  s  Nouvelle  tragicomique,  preface. 

2 La  Literature  independante,  12,  13.  i Franz:  Tragodie,  131. 

5  Revue  des  cours  et  conferences,  1897,  35. 

6  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  1901,  vi,  143. 


Introduction.  xiii 

The  relation  between  the  tragi-comedy  and  the  romance,  referred 
to  in  the  citation  just  made  from  Larroumet,  is  hinted  at  by 
Fournel  when  he  speaks  of  the  "  cotes  romanesques " *  of  the 
former  genre.  It  is  more  clearly  indicated  by  Rigal,  who  defines 
the  tragi-comedies  of  Hardy  as  "  nouvelles  dramatisees," 2  a 
formula  by  which  he  explains  several  characteristics  of  this  genre. 

The  ordinarily  serious  nature  of  the  plot  has  attracted  the 
attention  of  Desmarests,  who  mentions  "  les  accidents  graves  et 
funestes," 3  and  of  d'Aubignac  when  he  describes  subjects  and 
characters  as  "  heroi'ques." 4  They  have  been  followed  by  Samuel 
Chappuzeau,  who  considers  "de  nobles  advantures"5  a  charac- 
teristic of  the  tragi-comedy.  Lessing,  too,  agrees  with  Desmarests, 
for  he  writes:  " Tragikom5die  hiess  die  Vorstellung  einer  toichtigen 
Handlung  unter  vornehmen  Personen,  die  einen  vergniigten  Aus- 
gang  hat."  6 

Critical  observation  has  frequently  noted  the  high  rank  of  the 
leading  personages  in  the  tragi-comedy.  Vauquelin  mentions 
"  les  plus  grands  et  les  Rois."  7  Desmarests  declares  that  "  les 
principaux  personnages  sont  Princes."3  Both  d'Aubignac4  and 
Chappuzeau 5  refer  to  the  "  personnes  illustres,"  who  carry  on  the 
action.  The  Freres  Parfaict  and  Lessing,  as  quoted  above,8  are 
evidently  of  the  same  opinion.  This  aristocratic  feature  of  the 
fully  developed  genre  is  not  to  be  doubted,  but  in  a  number  of 
non-romanesque  tragi-comedies  the  aristocrats  are  omitted.  The 
freedom  from  rule  that  characterizes  the  tragi-comedy  allows  it  to 
mingle  personages  of  various  social  classes  at  any  period  of  its 
history.  There  is  a  tendency,  however,  even  in  the  sixteenth 
century  toward  placing  aristocrats  in  the  leading  roles,  a  usage 
that  becomes  the  rule  in  the  romanesque  tragi-comedy  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  which  is  at  that  time  the  only  important 
type  of  the  genre.  It  should  be  noted,  however,  that  the  tragi- 
comedy does  not  have  princes  and  princesses  disguised  as  shepherds 

1La  lilt,  ind.,  14.  5  Le  Theatre  francois,  12. 

2 Alexandre  Hardy,  502.  6  Hamburgische  Dramaturgic,  234. 

3Scipion,  preface,  Paris,  1639.  ' Art  politique,  in,  166. 

*  Pratique  du  Theatre,  189.  8Pp.  xi  and  xiii. 


xiv  Introduction. 

and  shepherdesses,  for,  if  such  persons  take  part  in  a  play,  it  is 
called  a  pastoral,  or  tragi-comedie  pastorale,  genres  that  differ  from 
the  tragi-comedy  in  style  and  incident,  tracing  their  origin  to 
another  source. 

Little  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  non-historic  nature  of  the 
tragi-comedy,  which  seems,  indeed,  to  be  denied  in  Faguet's 
definition  of  the  genre  as  a  "drame  historique  a  denouement 
heureux."  l  Unless  this  is  an  attempt  at  differentiating  the  tragi- 
comedy from  the  comedy  by  pointing  out  the  tendency  of  the 
former  to  historic  imitation  in  the  manner  of  the  romance,  the 
definition  is  certainly  incorrect.  The  tragi-comedy  cannot  be 
called  truly  historic,  as  Brunetiere  has  well  shown.  "  Des  aven- 
tures  privees  sont  la  matiere  propre  de  la  Tragi-comedie,"  he 
writes.  "  Mais  des  aventures  privees  ce  sont  des  aventures  qui  ne 
sont  pas  en  quelque  sorte  authentiquees  par  l'histoire,  du  moins  au 
su  de  tous,  et  des  aventures  qui  n'ont  pas  d' existence  publique,  ni 
certaine.  Ce  sont  aussi  des  aventures  dont  l'enchainement  n'a 
rien  de  ne"cessaire.  Et  ce  sont  done  encore  des  aventures  que 
le  poete  reste  maitre  d'arranger,  de  combiner,  de  compliquer, 
d'enchevetrer,  de  developper  a  son  gre."  2  In  another  place  he 
writes  :  "  Mais  le  fond  de  la  pensee  de  Corneille,  comme  de  celle 
de  ses  contemporains,  comme  de  celle  aussi  de  Hardy,  e'est  qu'il 
n'ya  de  vrais  sujets  de  tragedie  que  les  sujets  historiques,  et  que 
par  consequent  tous  les  autres  appartiennent  a  Fespece  de  la 
tragi-comedie.  Seulement,  comme  les  frontieres  de  l'histoire  sont 
flottantes,  et  que  Corneille  lui-m§me,  dans  ses  sujets  historiques, 
dans  son  Cinna  meme,  et  dans  ses  Othon  ou  dans  ses  Sertoiius, 
n'a  jamais  pu  prendre  sur  lui  de  ne  pas  les  transgresser."  3 

If  historic  plot  is  not  made  the  only  difference  between  tragedy 
and  tragi-comedy,  this  statement  may  be  considered  true  of  the 
romanesque  type  of  the  latter  genre,  for  its  members  approach 
the   historic    plot    only    in   the   four    plays    that   are   based   on 

1  La  Tragedie  frangaise,  212. 

*  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  1901,  vi,  143. 

3  Ibidem,  1890,  CI,  702. 


Introduction.  xv 

mythology.  Now  the  mythological  plot  was  treated  by  the 
French  classic  dramatists  along  with  subjects  held  to  be  matters 
of  history,  and,  as  far  as  the  well-established  nature  of  the  myth 
was  concerned,  it  served  equally  well  the  classical  end.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  facts  that  mythological  plots  are  non-historic  and 
that  certain  of  them  lend  themselves  to  romantic  treatment 
made  possible  their  use  in  four  tragi-comedies,  Procris,  Ariadne 
JRauie,  Alceste,  and  Les  Travaux  rf'  Ulysse.  But  the  authors  of  the 
non-romanesque  tragi-comedies  drew  upon  supposedly  historic 
sources,  when  they  based  their  plays  on  the  Bible  or  lives  of 
saints,  while  even  contemporary  history  is  represented  in  the 
tragi-comedy  called  L'union  Belgique.  The  non-historic  subject 
is,  therefore,  a  fixed  characteristic  of  the  fully  developed  tragi- 
comedy, but  not  of  all  its  early  or  subordinate  types. 

The  two  characteristics  of  the  tragi-comedy  that  have  given 
rise  to  the  most  varied  opinions  among  critics  are  the  happy 
denouement  and  the  mixing  of  tragic  and  comic  elements.  The 
first  of  these  has  been  rejected  as  an  essential  by  several  writers. 
Ebert  writes :  "  Obwohl  es  im  Anfang  zugleich  stets,  und  auch 
spiiterhin  meist  solche  sind,  die  einen  gliicklichen  Ausgang  haben  : 
dies  war  aber  keine  ivesentliche  Eigenschaft  der  Tragi-comedie : 
und  so  finden  sich  auch  in  Frankreich  spater  nicht  selten  Tragi- 
komodien  mit  tragischem  Schluss."  l  Rigal  is  more  cautious  in 
his  statement :  "  Ce  sont  les  denouements  heureux,  element  nulle- 
ment  indispensable,  au  d6but  du  moins,  des  tragi-comedies,  mais 
qui  s'y  rencontre  si  frequemment."  2  In  support  of  his  position 
he  quotes  Aristodee  and  the  premiere  journee  of  Tyr  et  Sidon 
(1628).  Brunetiere  goes  much  further,  declaring  that  the  tragi- 
comedy "  n'est  pas  davantage — en  depit  du  Cid,  auquel  Corneille 
a  donne  d'abord  le  titre  de  tragi-comedie, — une  tragedie  qui  finirait 
bien,  dont  le  denouement,  au  lieu  d'etre  sauglant,  serait  heureux, 
et,  par  exemple,  une  Orestie  qui  se  terminerait  par  des  noces."  3 
"  Et,  s'il  6tait  vrai  que,  comme  on  le  r6pete  encore,  le  propre  de 

1  Enttoicklungs-Geschichte  der  Franz :  Tragodie,  131. 

^Alexandre  Hardy,  432. 

3  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  1901,  vi,  143. 


• 


XVI 


Introduction. 


la  tragi-comSdie  flit  de  se  terminer  heureusement,  Corneille  n'en 
aurait  done  pas  ecrit  de  plus  caracterisee  que  Cinna,  la  derniere 
pourtant  de  ses  pieces  a  qui  l'on  disputera  jamais  le  nom  de 
tragedie!"1 

Other  critics  have,  however,  taken  a  very  different  view. 
<'La  Tragi-Comedie  nous  met  deuant  lesyeux  de  nobles  auantures 
entre  d'lllustres  personnes  menacees  de  quelque  grande  infortune, 
qui  se  trouve  suiuie  oVun  heureux  euenement"  declares  Chappuzeau.2 
Lessing  holds  that  the  tragi-coniedy  must  have  "  einen  vergniigten 
Ausgang." 3  Fournel  emphasizes  "  la  necessite  d'un  denoument 
heureux." 4  Before  Ebert  (1856),  indeed,  this  fact  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  questioned.  It  is  especially  worthy  of  note 
that  the  critics  who  knew  the  plays  as  contemporary  products  are 
unanimous  in  assigning  to  them  a  happy  denouement. 

"  Quand  il  y  a  du  meurtre  et  qu'on  voit  toutefois 
Qu'ct  la  fin  sont  contens  les  plus  grands  et  les  Rois, 
Quand  du  graue  et  du  bas  le  parler  on  mendie, 
On  abuse  du  nom  de  Trage-comedie."  5 

Here  Yauquelin  objects  to  the  use  of  the  term,  but  at  the  same 
time  testifies  to  the  fact  that  it  was  applied  in  his  day  to  those 
plays  characterized  by  a  happy  ending.  Mairet  states  that,  "  Le 
meslange  est  fait  de  parties  Tragiques  et  Comiques,  en  telle  facon 
que  les  unes  et  les  autres  faisant  ensemble  un  bon  accord,  ont  en 
fin  une  joyeuse  et  Comique  catastrophe."  6  Georges  de  Scudery 
holds  that  "  a  cause  de  sa  fin  " 7  the  tragi-comedy  leans  to  comedy 
rather  than  to  tragedy.  "La  fin  est  heureuse,"8  writes  Desmarests. 
Finally  the  truth  of  the  matter  is  most  clearly  stated  by  d'Au- 
bignac  as  follows  :  "  Mais  ce  que  nous  avons  fait  sans  fondement, 
est  que  nous  avons  oste  le  nom  de  Tragedie  aux  Pieces  de  Theatre 
dont  la  Catastrophe  est  heureuse,  encore  que  le  Sujet  et  les 
personnes  soient  Tragiques,  e'est  a  dire  heroi'ques,  pour  leur 
donner  celuy  de  Tragi-Comedies.  ...     Or  ie  ne  veux  pas  absolu- 

1  Ibidem,  1890,  CI,  702.  5  V  Art  poetique,  in,  165-8. 

2  Le  Theatre  francois,  12.  6  La  Silvanire,  preface,  Paris,  1631. 

3  Hamburgische  Dramaturgie,  234.  7  Observations  sur  le  Oid,  8,  Paris,  1637. 
ALalitt.  ind.,  14.  sScipion,  preface,  Paris,  1639. 


Introduction.  xvii 

ment  combattre  ce  nom,  mais  je  pretens  qu'il  est  inutile,  puisque 
celuy  de  Tragedie  ne  signifie  pas  moins  les  Poemes  qui  finissent 
par  la  ioye,  quand  on  y  decrit  les  fortunes  des  personnes  illustres."  ' 
He  then  proceeds  naively  to  object  to  the  use  of  the  term,  as 
informing  the  audience  of  what  the  conclusion  of  the  play  is  going 
to  be  and  consequently  destroying  the  interest  that  would  be 
excited  in  the  spectator's  mind,  were  he  kept  in  suspense  until  the 
end :  "  Mais  des-lors  qu'on  a  dit  Tragi-comedies  on  decouvre 
quelle  en  sera  la  Catastrophe."  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  point 
out  the  fact  that  this  is  the  most  valuable  kind  of  evidence,  the 
testimony  of  an  author  to  the  existence  of  a  practice  to  which  he 
is  theoretically  opposed.  D'Aubignac  admits  that  plays  which 
he  would  himself  call  tragedies  are  called  tragi-comedies  merely 
on  account  of  their  happy  denouement.  There  can  be  no  doubt, 
therefore,  that  in  the  tragi-comedies  with  which  he  was  acquainted 
this  form  of  ending  was  an  established  fact. 

But  it  is  not  difficult  to  come  to  this  conclusion  without  the  aid 
of  critical  authority.  An  examination  of  the  extant  plays  reveals 
with  sufficient  clearness  the  state  of  the  case.  For  the  period 
from  1552  to  1636,  when,  if  ever,  the  tragi-comedy  may  be 
considered  an  independent  kind,  there  are  extant  eighty-three 
romanesque  tragi-comedies,  all  of  which  show  a  happy  denouement. 
In  Philandre  et  MarisSe,  it  is  true,  the  leading  characters  die,  but 
are  depicted  as  arriving  in  heaven  after  a  most  unfortunate  life,  so 
that  this  play  is  included  in  the  list.  An  apparent  exception  is 
found  in  Les  Amours  infortunees  de  Leandre  et  d' Heron  by  le  Sieur 
de  la  Selve,  Avocat  de  Nimes.  The  play  was  published  at  Mont- 
pellier.  The  author  asks  for  critical  consideration,  as  he  writes 
in  Languedoc,  far  from  Paris  and  the  knowledge  of  court  manners. 
His  use  of  the  term,  tragicomedy,  does  not  appear  to  indicate 
contemporary  usage,  but  rather  his  ignorance  of  it.  Certainly  the 
ideas  of  an  obscure  provincial  on  the  meaning  of  the  genre  are  of 
no  value  when  they  are  opposed  to  those  of  the  leading  dramatists 
of  the  time.  The  play  should  undoubtedly  be  classed  as  an 
irregular   tragedy.     Nor   does    Rigal's    citation   of  the  premiere 

1  Pratique  du  Theatre,  189. 


xviii  Introduction. 

journee  of  the  Tyr  et  Sidon  (1628)  indicate  that  an  unhappy 
denouement  may  occur  in  a  tragi-comedy,  for  the  premiere  journie 
is  not  here  a  complete  play,  but  must  be  considered  in  connection 
with  the  seconde  journee,  which  brings  the  story  to  a  happy  end. 
This  is  true  of  all  such  divided  plays.  Hardy's  Theagene  et 
Cariclee  and  Du  Kyer's  Argenis  et  Poliarque,  for  example,  have 
no  raison  d'etre  if  their  journees  are  considered,  as  far  as  the  plot 
is  concerned,  as  separate  plays.  Moreover,  the  citation  of  Tyr  et 
Sidon  in  this  connection  is  especially  inapt,  as  this  very  premiere 
journee  did  actually  appear  alone  in  1608  with  its  unhappy  denoue- 
ment and  was  then  called  a  tragedie.  The  term  tragi-comidie  is 
applied  only  in  1628  when  the  play  was  reworked  and  followed 
by  the  seconde  journee  with  a  happy  denouement.  This  explana- 
tion of  the  change  of  genre  is  much  more  logical  than  that  offered 
by  Rigal,  who  holds  that  it  was  due  to  the  increased  popularity 
of  the  tragi-comedy,  thus  hopiug  to  prove  the  large  extent  of 
Hardy's  influence.  Now,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  tragi-comic 
vogue  may  have  influenced  the  addition  of  this  seconde  journee 
with  the  happy  denouement,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  it  could 
have  induced  an  author  to  apply  the  title,  tragi-comedie,  to  a  play 
that  ended  in  sadness — a  condition  that  was  opposed  to  the  essence 
of  its  meaning.  On  the  other  hand,  I  may  cite  in  support  of  my 
view  the  two  plays  that  appeared  in  1646  under  the  title,  Rodogune. 
For  the  first  four  acts  the  plots  are  substantially  the  same,  but  in 
the  fifth  there  is  a  differentiation  between  the  two  plots.  Corneille 
ends  his  play  unhappily  and  calls  it  a  tragedy ;  Gabriel  Gilbert 
brings  his  to  a  happy  conclusion  and  styles  it  a  tragi-comedy. 
The  case  is  evidently  an  exact  parallel  to  that  of  Tyr  et  Sidon  in 
its  two  editions. 

Modern  ideas  concerning  the  denouement  of  the  tragi-comedy 
appear  to  be  largely  based  on  two  plays  by  Hardy,  of  which  the 
classification  is  in  doubt.1  The  first  of  these,  called  Procris  ou  la 
Jalousie  infortunee,  is  styled  tragi-comedy  on  the  title-page  and  at 
the  head  of  the  argument,  but  tragedy  at  the  top  of  subsequent 
pages  and  in  the  argument  itself,  where  the  author  writes  "  catas- 

1  Cf.  Kigal,  Alexandre  Hardy,  pp.  401  and  226,  note. 


Introduction.  xix 

trophe  qui  finit  la  Tracjedie"  Hardy  seems  to  have  looked  on  it 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  murdered  Procris  and  consequently 
styled  it  a  tragedy.  The  term  tragi-comedy,  twice  found  and  due, 
perhaps,  to  the  publisher,  can,  however,  be  justified  from  the  point 
of  view  of  Cephale,  the  hero,  and  his  friend  Aurore,  whose  loves 
were  greatly  expedited  by  the  death  of  the  former's  wife. 

But  in  Arlstoclee,  the  second  piece  of  uncertain  classification, 
there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  unhappiness  of  the  denouement,  which 
induces  Lombard  to  call  it  a  tragedy.1  Rigal,  who  classes  it 
among  the  tragi-comedies,  admits  that  there  is  difficulty  involved, 
for  "  si  le  sujet  a  une  couleur  romanesque,  du  moins  est-il 
emprunte  a  Plutarque ;  si  les  personnages  en  sont  bas,  du  moins 
le  denouement  en  est-il  terrible." 2  He  states  later 3  that  it  is  the 
only  tragi-comedy  that  preserves  the  unity  of  action,  a  distinctive 
trait  of  the  tragedy.  The  personages  can  scarcely  be  called 
"  bas,"  moreover,  for  one  is  noble,  as  Rigal  admits  in  his  analysis 
of  the  play,4  and  the  others  seem  to  enjoy  an  honorable,  if 
bourgeois  rank  in  their  town.  The  social  position  of  the  charac- 
ters is,  in  fact,  just  the  same  as  in  Hardy's  Scedase,  to  which 
neither  Rigal  nor  any  one  else  has  denied  the  title  of  tragedy. 

These  characteristics  show  that  the  play  should  be  classed  as  a 
tragedy,  whatever  title  may  have  been  given  it,  but  it  is  by  no 
means  sure  that  Hardy  called  it  a  tragi-comedy.  In  this  connec- 
tion Rigal  writes  :  "  M.  Lombard  ecrit,  au  sujet  d' Arlstoclee, 
qu'elle  'n'est  marquee  ni  comme  tragedie,  ni  comme  tragi- comedie.' 
C'est  une  erreur ;  elle  est  au  contraire  designee  comme  tragi- 
comedie,  et  sur  son  titre,  et  sur  son  titre  courant.  Si  Hardy  parley 
dans  l'argument,  de  cette  '  tragedie  conduite  a  sa  perfection,'  c'est 
que  la  tragi-comedie  est  une  subdivision  de  la  tragedie  et  on  ne  lit 
jamais  que  ce  dernier  mot  dans  les  privileges."  Now,  this  expla- 
nation may  be  correct,  but  it  is  to  be  observed  that  Hardy  does 
not  use  the  term,  tragedy,  in  the  argument  of  any  play  whose 
denouement  is  undoubtedly  happy.     This  fact  is  significant.     It  is 

1  Zeitschrift  fiir  neu-franz :  Sprache  und  Liileratur,  1880,  367. 
2 Alexandre  Hardy,  226. 
3  Ibidem,  502. 
*  Ibidem,  451. 


• 


xx  Introduction. 

perfectly  possible  that  he  considered  Aristoclee  a  tragedy  and  called 
it  so  in  his  argument.  No  one  would,  indeed,  doubt  this,  were  it 
not  for  the  fact  that  tragi-comidie  is  written  as  the  title  and  titre 
courant,  where,  however,  its  presence  may  be  due  to  the  printer. 

The  evidence  of  eighty-three  tragi-comedies,  of  which  the 
denouement  is  happy,  shows  clearly  that  Aristoclee  and  Leandre  et 
Heron  cannot  be  considered  tragi-comedies  and  that  Procris  is 
so  called  only  from  the  point  of  view  of  Cephale  and  Aurore.  A 
similar  regularity  in  regard  to  the  happy  ending  is  found  in  the 
non-romanesque  tragi-comedies.  There  is  no  doubt  that  such  a 
termination  belongs  to  the  tragi-comedies  of  biblical  plot  and  to 
those  that  resemble  the  moralite"  and  farce.  It  need  be  remarked 
only  that  in  those  based  on  saints'  lives,  the  fact  that  the  protago- 
nist occasionally  dies  at  the  close  of  the  play  does  not  constitute 
an  unhappy  denouement,  for  the  object  of  such  religious  composi- 
tions is  to  show  the  reward  of  a  pious  life,  a  reward  that  is  fully 
won  only  with  the  hero's  death,  which  was,  therefore,  regarded  by 
the  dramatist  as  a  happy  event  rather  than  as  a  disaster. 

As  quoted  above,1  however,  Brunetiere  objects  that  if  a  happy 
denouement  is  "  le  propre  "  of  the  tragi-comedy,  Corneille's  Cinna 
would  be  an  excellent  example  of  this  genre.  He  accordingly 
argues  that  the  tragi-comedy  is  differentiated  from  the  tragedy  by 
the  non-historic  nature  of  the  former.  Now  this  is  true,  but  the 
two  genres  are,  before  the  Cid  (1636),  kept  apart  as  strongly  by 
the  nature  of  the  denouement  as  by  the  historic  truth  of  the  plot. 
That  this  was  happy  in  the  tragi-comedy  has  been  sufficiently 
indicated.  An  unhappy  ending,  on  the  other  hand,  was  essential 
to  the  definitions  of  the  tragedy  given  during  the  Middle  Ages 
and  the  xvi  century.  Vauquelin,  as  quoted  above,2  called  attention 
to  the  fact  that  a  tragedy  may  end  happily,  but  his  words  were 
unheeded.  Dramatists  continued  to  follow  Scaliger's  precept 
that  there  should  be  an  "exitus  infelix", 3  until  Corneille, 
realizing  that  an  unhappy  denouement  was  not  essential  to  the 
Greek  tragedy,  made  the  genre  chiefly  depend  on  psychological 
analysis  of  character  and  passion  with  special  emphasis  on  the 

!Page  xiv.  2Page  xvi.  iPoetices,  in,  97,  p.  367. 


Introduction.  xxi 

human  will  and  the  struggles  in  which  it  is  involved.  The  nature 
of  the  denouement,  therefore,  became  unessential.  China  and 
Nicom&de  could  be  considered  tragedies  as  well  as  Rodogune 
and  Polyeucte. 

This  usage  is  supported  by  the  precept  of  d'Aubignac,  quoted 
above.1  As  the  idea  that  a  tragedy  might  end  happily  became 
established  in  France,  the  tragi-comedy  began  to  decline,  for  one 
of  its  principal  raisons  d'itre  had  lain  in  the  fact  that  it  satisfied  a 
popular  craving  to  see  the  story  finish  in  happiness,  by  which 
means  it  had  succeeded  in  supplanting  the  tragedy  in  spite  of  the 
latter' s  artistic  superiority.  Now  that  the  tragedy  had  acquired 
this  important  prerogative  of  the  tragi-comedy,  the  latter  lost  its 
popular  hold,  began  to  decline  while  Corneille  was  writing,  and 
ceased  to  exist  not  long  after  d'Aubignac  had  attacked  it  (1657). 
From  this  point  of  view,  therefore,  there  is  no  incompatibility 
between  the  classification  of  Cinna  as  a  tragedy  and  the  fact  that 
the  happy  denouement  is  an  essential  characteristic  of  the  tragi- 
comedy. 

Another  point  that  has  evoked  critical  discussion  concerns  the 
mixing  of  tragic  and  comic  elements  that  appears  to  have  given 
rise  to  the  name  tragi-comedy.  Desmarests  holds  that  such  mix- 
ing is  not  essential,  for  the  tragi-comedy  is  "une  piece  dont  les 
principaux  personnages  sont  Princes,  etc.,  encore  qu'il  n'y  ait  rien 
de  oomique  qui  y  soit  m&le."  2  "  II  n'y  a  rien  qui  ressente  la 
Com6die,"  writes  d'Aubignac.  "  Tout  y  est  grave  et  merveilleux, 
rien  de  populaire  ny  de  bouffon."  3  According  to  Robiou,  tragi- 
comedies "n'ont  rien  de  comique,  ou  du  moins,  si  le  comique 
s'y  rencontre,  c'est  h  l'insu  de  Fauteur  et  bien  malgre1  lui." 4 
BrunetiSre  denies  that  it  is  "  une  composition  dramatique  ou  le 
tragique  et  le  comique,  s'aidant  l'un  l'autre,  et  se  faisant  valoir 
par  leur  contraste  meme  alterneraient  pour  le  divertissement  du 
spectateur."  5 

Vauquelin,  on  the  other  hand,  notes  that  here  "auecques  le 

'Page  xvii.  2Scipion,  preface,  Paris,  1639. 

3  Pratique  du  Theatre,  189. 

*Essai  sur  I'histoire  de  la  litter  ature,  401. 

5  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  1901,  vi,  143. 


r 


xxii  Introduction. 

Tragic  le  Comic  se  raporte"  and  that  "du  graue  et  du  bas 
le  parler  on  mendie."  '  Mairet's  opinion  has  been  already  quoted.2 
Scudery  calls  the  genre  "  un  compose  de  la  Tragedie  et  de  la 
Comedie," 3  and  declares  that  "  ce  beau  et  divertissant  poeme,  sans 
pancher  trop  vers  la  severite  de  la  tragedie,  ny  vers  le  stile 
railleur  de  la  comedie,  prend  les  beautez  les  plus  delicates  de 
l'une  et  de  1' autre :  et  sans  estre  ny  l'une  ny  l'autre  on  peut  dire 
qu'il  est  toutes  les  deux  ensemble  et  quelque  chose  de  plus." 4 
Ebert  mentions  the  "  Einmiscliung  des  Komischen." 5  Fournel 
calls  attention  to  "  la  fusion  des  deux  genres  opposes  en  un  seul 
ouvrage."  6  Rigal  more  specifically  points  out  "le  melange  dans 
la  meme  pi&ce  de  personnages  de  conditions  sociales  differentes ; 
c'est  intervention  de  personnages  mediocres  dans  une  action 
pathetique,  ou  de  personnages  illustres  dans  une  action  mediocre."  7 

Now,  if  a  reader  confines  himself  to  a  limited  number  of 
tragi-comedies,  he  may  reach  any  of  these  conclusions  as  to  the 
mixture  in  style  and  characters.  This  fact  is  well  brought  out  by 
Fontenelle,  who  writes :  "  Dans  ce  temps  la  la  Tragi-Comedie 
6toit  assez  a,  la  mode,  genre  mele  ou  l'on  mettoit  un  assez  mauvais 
tragique,  avec  du  comique,  qui  ne  valoit  gueres  mieux.  Souvent 
cependant,  on  donnoit  ce  non-  a  de  certaines  Pieces  toutes  s6rieuses, 
a  cause  que  le  denouement  en  etoit  heureux."  8  It  seems,  indeed, 
that  the  existence  of  the  familiar  and  comic  in  speech  and 
character  was  not  essential,  but  was  frequently  admitted.  There 
is  apparently  no  evolution  in  the  matter,  as  these  elements  are 
exceedingly  apparent  at  various  periods  in  such  plays  as  Lucelle 
in  1576,  UEphesienne  in  1614,  U Innocence  Descouverte  in  1609 
and  1628,  Les  Folies  de  Cardenio  in  1625,  and  U  0  spited  des  Fous 
in  1635. 

But  there  is  a  broader  sense  in  which  the  name  tragi-comedy  is 
well  chosen,    in  spite  of  the  fact  that  familiar    and    humorous 


1Art  poetique,  in,  164  and  167.  iAndromire,  preface,  Paris,  1641. 

2Seepagexvi.  5 Franz:  Trag'ddie,  131. 

3  Observations  sur  le  Cid,  8,  Paris,  1637.  6  La  Litt.  ind. ,  14. 

1 Alexandre  Hardy,  p.  431. 

8  Vie  de  P.  Corneille,  in  Oeuvres  de  Fontenelle,  IV,  207. 


Introduction.  xxiii 

elements  frequently  do  not  enter  into  it.  Cloetta l  and  Lanson  2 
have  shown  what  constituted  the  medieval  and  xvi  century  idea 
of  the  difference  between  tragedy  and  comedy.  The  same  view 
was  held  in  the  xvn  century  while  the  tragi-comedy  was  develop- 
ing. During  all  this  time,  that  difference  was  based  on  four 
characteristics,  which  were,  perhaps,  external,  but  served  well 
enough  to  guide  the  pre-Cornelian  dramatist.  These  were :  the 
historic  or  non-historic  subject,  the  high  or  low  rank  of  the 
personages,  the  terrible  or  happy  denouement,  the  noble  or  familiar 
style.  Now  it  has  been  shown  that  in  respect  to  these  qualities, 
the  fully  developed  tragi-comedy  occupied  middle  ground  between 
the  older  genres.  It  is  non-historic,  but  imitates  history  by  a 
plot  that  savors  of  the  romance  rather  than  of  the  comedy  of 
manners.  The  leading  personages  are  of  noble  birth,  but  bourgeois 
and  plebeians  are  allowed.  The  denouement  is  never  tragic,  but 
frequently  threatens  to  become  so,  in  a  manner  foreign  to  the 
comedy.  The  style  is  serious  in  the  main,  seldom  rising  to  tragic 
heights,  yet  sinking  with  no  great  frequency  to  comic  familiarity 
and  humor.  From  this  point  of  view,  it  is  evident  that  there  is  a 
mixing  of  tragic  and  comic  elements  which  justifies  the  name, 
tragi-comedy. 

While  it  approaches  both  classical  genres  in  its  form,  where  the 
use  of  Alexandrines,  division  into  five  acts,  and  subdivision  into 
scenes  is  the  rule,  the  tragi-comedy  is  differentiated  from  them  by 
its  looseness  of  structure,  which  presents  the  story  ab  ovo,  with  no 
regard  for  the  unities  of  action,  time,  and  place,  and  makes  the 
tragi-comedy  essentially  a  variety  of  the  drame  libre.  Although 
the  action  in  the  tragi-comedy  may  spring  from  the  will  of  the 
persons,  it  is  more  often  produced,  unlike  that  of  the  classical 
tragedy,  by  purely  external  causes.  As  psychological  problems 
are  seldom  put,  study  of  character  and  emotion  is  replaced  by 
multiplicity  of  incident,  cleverness  of  intrigue,  and  variety  of 
personages  and  verse-forms.  Mixing  of  opposing  styles  is  freely 
employed,  so  that  concrete  are  found  with  abstract  statements, 

1  Beitrage  zur  Litteraturgeschichte  des  Mittelalters,  I,  14-54. 

2  Revue  d'  Histoire  litteraire  de  la  France,  xi,  541-85. 


xxiv  Introduction. 

humorous  with  grave  dialogues,  lyrical  with  narrative  verse- 
forms.  Startling  stage-effects  are  obtained  by  duels,  murders, 
enlevements,  and  other  romantic  means,  which  classicists  avoid  or 
keep  behind  the  scenes.  Dramatic  effort  is  directed  towards 
arousing  the  curiosity,  rather  than  the  passions  of  the  audience. 
In  the  more  fully  developed  type  of  the  genre,  love  is  the  main- 
spring of  the  action,  marriage  is  the  chief  end,  all  that  is 
romanesque  the  means. 

In  defining  the  tragi-comedy,  a  distinction  must  be  made 
between  the  early  conception  of  the  genre  and  that  which  was 
subsequently  had  of  it.  During  the  sixteenth  century,  the  name 
could  be  applied  to  any  play  of  medieval  origin  which  possessed 
a  happy  denouement  and  a  form  that  was  at  least  partially  classic. 
This  usage  continued  sporadically  throughout  the  period  of  the 
genre's  existence  in  the  seventeenth  century.  But  the  more  highly 
developed  type  of  the  genre,  conveniently  termed  the  romanesque 
tragi-comedy,  which  was  extensively  cultivated  at  Paris  during 
the  seventeenth  century  and  became  the  only  important  variety 
of  the  tragi-comedy,  possessed  characteristics  that  may  be  summed 
up  as  follows  : 

1.  The  structure  is  that  of  the  drame  libre,  by  which  the  story 
is  dramatized  from  its  beginnings  without  regard  for  any  dramatic 
unity  except  that  of  interest. 

2.  The  events  treated  are  serious,  secular,  non-historic,  and 
romanesque. 

3.  The  denouement  is  happy. 

4.  The  leading  personages  are  aristocratic,  but  bourgeois  and 
plebeians  may  be  introduced  in  subordinate  roles.  The  shepherd 
of  the  pastoral  is  excluded. 

5.  The  addition  of  comic  passages,  though  frequent,  is  not  an 
essential  characteristic. 

6.  The  form  is  classic  in  the  predominant  use  of  Alexandrines, 
the  division  into  five  acts,  and  the  subdivision  into  scenes. 


CHAPTER  I. 
THE  SOURCES  OF  THE  FRENCH  TRAGI-COMEDY. 

While  the  classic  tragedy  of  France  is  derived  directly  from 
that  of  Greece  and  Rome,  the  drame  libre,  of  which  the  tragi- 
comedy forms  a  part,  is  the  secularized  and  modernized  representa- 
tive of  the  medieval  drama,  from  which  it  inherited  its  stage,  its 
traditions,  and  its  audience.  Its  existence  shows  that  there  is  in 
France  a  continuous  dramatic  development  from  the  middle  ages 
to  modern  times,  a  fact  that  has  been  somewhat  obscured  by  the 
preponderance  of  the  classic  tragedy  during  the  seventeenth 
century.  At  the  same  time,  the  French  drame  libre  has  followed 
the  example  of  the  genre  in  other  countries  by  uniting  with  its 
medieval  elements  certain  subsidiary  features  of  the  ancient 
classic  drama. 

It  is  the  purpose  of  the  present  chapter  to  demonstrate  the 
truth  of  these  statements  as  far  as  they  concern  the  tragi- 
comedy, which  has  been  shown  l  to  be  that  form  of  the  drame 
libre  which,  when  fully  developed,  displays  a  romanesque  and  non- 
historic  theme,  a  happy  denouement,  predominantly  classic  form, 
and  aristocratic  personages  in  the  leading  roles.  The  method  of 
procedure  will  be  to  indicate  the  indebtedness  of  the  tragi-comedy 
(1)  to  the  French  medieval  plays  in  their  various  genres,  (2)  to 
the  Greek  and  Roman  stage,  (3)  to  the  Renaissance  drama  of 
Western  Europe  that  has  combined  under  the  title,  tragi-comedy, 
the  characteristics  of  medieval  and  classic  plays. 

I.    The  Relation  of  the  French  Tragi-Comedy  to  the 
Medieval  Drama. 

Although  the  medieval  prototypes  of  the  tragi-comedy  have 
neither  taken  on    a   classical  form  and   name,  nor  abandoned   a 


2  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

religious  and  supernatural  spirit  that  is  foreign  to  later  dramas, 
they  exhibit  the  essential  characteristics  of  the  younger  genre  in 
an  unmistakable  fashion.  Freedom  of  construction,  romantic 
elements,  happy  termination,  aristocratic  leading  personages,  and 
frequent  comic  additions  characterize  certain  medieval  dramas  as 
strougly  as  they  characterize  the  tragi-comedy.  Some  of  these 
qualities  belong  to  all  non-comic  medieval  plays,  while  others  are 
exemplified  only  by  certain  varieties.  For  the  full  understanding 
of  the  influence  exerted  by  the  characteristics  of  the  medieval 
drama  on  those  of  the  tragi-comedy,  it  is  necessary  to  take  up 
these  characteristics  in  detail. 

1.  That  the  construction  of  the  medieval  play  is  the  same  as 
that  of  the  tragi-comedy  is  evidenced  by  the  following  contrast  of 
the  former  genre  with  the  French  classic  tragedy  :  "  Le  theatre 
classique  noue  une  action  restreinte,  .  .  .  le  theatre  des  mysteres 
deroule  une  action  etendue.  Dans  l'un,  les  scenes  s'appellent  et 
pour  ainsi  dire  s'engendrent  l'une  Pautre.  Dans  le  theatre  du 
moyen  age,  elles  se  succedent.  Le  lien  n'est  pas  dans  le  style ;  il 
est  dans  l'evenenient  lui-meme,  et  quelquefois  il  n'est  nulle  part." x 

The  unity  of  action,  in  a  classical  sense,  is  absent.  The  story 
is  acted  from  its  beginnings  or  as  nearly  so  as  possible.  Thus,  the 
medieval  mystere  of  Sainte  Genevieve 2  opens  with  the  saint's  birth, 
and  recounts  her  various  disconnected  miracles.  In  Griselidis 3  the 
wooing  of  the  heroine  is  presented,  although  this  forms  no  neces- 
sary part  of  a  drama  designed  to  describe  her  patience  under  the 
afflictions  imposed  by  her  husband.  In  U Abbeesse  grosse*  the 
heroine's  church-going  is  first  acted,  although  it  has  nothing  to  do 
with  the  rest  of  the  play.  Examples  of  such  lack  of  unity  in 
dramatic  construction  may  be  multiplied  indefinitely. 

In  a  similar  manner  the  unity  of  action  is  violated  by  the 
tragi-comedy.  Details  that  Racine  would  put  in  the  mouth  of  a 
messenger  or  confidante  are  acted  on  the  tragi-comic  stage  along 

1  Petit  de  Julleville,  Les  Mysteres,  I,  244. 

2  Bibliotheque  Sainte  Genevieve,  Y,  f-10,  183-217. 

3  Bibliotheque  nationale  MS.  fr.  2203. 

4  Miracles  de  Nostre  Dame,  I,  57-100. 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  3 

with  circumstances  of  large  dramatic  interest.  The  scenes,  also, 
are  not  developed  one  out  of  another,  but  occur  at  random,  with 
little  logical  sequence.1  Subordinate  plots  may  be  added,  or  the 
interest  may  be  divided  between  two  principal  plots,  which,  devel- 
oped simultaneously,  are  connected  only  at  the  end.2 

Violation  of  one  of  the  classic  unities  is  readily  associated  with 
infringement  of  the  others  in  both  medieval  plays  and  tragi- 
comedies. In  neither  genre  is  there  any  attempt  at  reducing  the 
time  of  the  action  to  the  prescribed  twenty-four  hours.  On  the 
contrary,  the  greatest  liberty  is  allowed  in  this  respect.  Seven 
years  elapse  during  the  progress  of  the  Miracle  de  Theodore;3 
thirty  in  La  nonne  qui  laissa  son  abbaie*  not  to  mention  the 
tremendous  periods  of  time  involved  in  the  cyclic  plays  that  run 
from  the  Creation  of  the  world  to  the  Resurrection  of  Christ.5 

In  the  tragi-comedy,  also,  considerable  periods  of  time  elapse, 
although  they  do  not  ordinarily  extend  beyond  the  limits  of  a 
natural  life.  In  La  Force  du  Sang  of  Hardy,  a  child,  begot  in  the 
first  act,  is  old  enough  to  converse  fluently  in  the  third  act.  In 
Philandre  et  Marisee  (1619),  the  hero  weds  the  heroine  at  the 
beginning  of  the  play,  and  encounters  his  son,  grown  to  manhood, 
at  the  end  of  it.  Other  plays  are  of  briefer  duration,  but  none 
are  confined  to  the  limits  of  a  single  day. 

A  similar  freedom  is  allowed  with  regard  to  the  unity  of  place. 
On  the  medieval  stage  "  la  mere  du  pape  est  arrivee  en  Italie, 
venant  du  Sinai*,  se  tratnant  vers  la  Galice ; " 6  or  the  scene  of  a 
single  play  may  be  laid  in  Scotland,  Hungary,  and  Italy ;  as,  in  La 
Fille  du  Roi  de  HongrieJ  Similarly,  the  tragi-comedy  follows 
Ulysses  in  his  wanderings  8  or  brings  back  the  Count  of  Gleichen 

"■Of.  Lisandre  et  Caliste  by  Du  Ryer,  La  Sceur  valeureuse  by  Marshal,  or  Le 
Prince  deguise  by  Scudery. 

2  Cf.  U  Orizelle  by  Chabrol  or  Ligdamon  el  Lidias  by  Scudery.  This  phenome- 
non is  very  common  in  the  tragi-comedie  pastorale. 

z  Miracles  de  Nostre  Dame,  in,  67-133.  ibidem,  I,  309-351. 

5Cf.  La  Creation  de  V  Homme,  la  Nativite,  la  Vie,  la  Passion,  la  Resurrection  de  J.- 
C.     Petit  de  Julleville,  Les  Mysteres,  n,  411. 

6 Petit  de  Julleville,  Les  Mysteres,  n,  264. 

7  Miracles  de  Nostre  Dame,  v,  1-88. 

8  Les  Travaux  d'  Ulysse  ( 1631)  by  Durval. 


4  The  French   Tragi-  Comedy : 

from  Palestine  to  Germany  by  way  of  Rome.1  At  times  the  limits 
of  the  space  are  smaller,  but  they  are  never  reduced  to  those  of  the 
classic  stage. 

This  freedom  in  regard  to  the  latitude  of  space  in  which  the 
action  could  be  located  was,  indeed,  one  reason  for  the  popularity 
of  the  tragi-comedy  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century.  M. 
Rigal 2  has  indicated  the  importance  of  the  medieval  mise  en  scene 
in  delaying  the  development  of  the  French  classic  stage  and  in 
hindering  its  popularity  during  the  sixteenth  century.  Now,  M. 
Lanson  has  shown  that  M.  Rigal  has  gone  too  far  in  denying 
popular  representation  to  the  tragedies  of  Jodelle,  Gamier,  Mont- 
chrestien,  and  their  followers,3  yet  it  is  certainly  true  that  the 
presence  of  the  elaborate  apparatus  of  the  medieval  stage  in  the 
mise  en  sc&ne  of  the  Confreres  de  la  Passion  kept  alive  the  medie- 
val drama  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  and  went  far  to 
popularize  its  successor,  the  tragi-comedy,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century.  For  by  the  presentation  of  various  places  on 
the  stage  at  one  time,  the  mansions  and  the  complicated  medieval 
decorations  associated  with  them  could  be  utilized  by  the  tragi- 
comedy in  a  manner  impossible  to  the  classical  tragedy.  Hence 
the  tragi-comedy  obtained  favor  with  the  theatrical  managers  and 
received  large  popularity  with  audiences  that  demanded  striking 
stage  effects  rather  than  the  discussion  of  a  psychological  problem. 

The  broad  view  taken  of  the  dramatic  unities  by  the  authors  of 
the  miracles  and  mysteres  induced  a  prolixity  of  treatment  that 
extended  the  presentation  of  the  subject  beyond  the  limits  of  a 
single  performance,  giving  rise  to  the  division  into  journe'es,  which 
procedure  forms  a  familiar  characteristic  of  the  medieval  stage. 
One  finds,  for  example,  La  Passion  de  Jesu- Crist  in  twenty  jour- 
n&es, 4  Sainte  Barbe 5  in  five,  and  in  La  Destruction  de  Troie  6  in 
three  jour nees.     Many  other  plays,  showing  a  varying  number  of 

1  Elmire  ou  V  Heureuse  Bigamie  by  Hardy. 

2  In  Thedtre  francais  avanl  la  periode  classique. 

3Cf.  Etudes  sur  les  origines  de  la  tragedie  classique  en  France.  Revue  d'histoire 
litteraire  de  la  France,  x,  177-231  and  413-36. 

4  MS.  Bib.  Nat.  fr.  12536. 

5  Ibidem,  976.  6  Ibidem,  1415. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  5 

such  time  divisions  as  those  indicated,  can  be  mentioned,  together 
with  those  whose  performance  is  limited  to  a  single  journee. 
Now,  despite  the  fact  that  the  tragi-comedy  has  largely  adopted  the 
form  of  the  classical  tragedy,  this  medieval  phenomenon  persists  in 
five  cases  :  Les  chastes  et  loyales  amours  de  Theagene  et  Carielee,  by 
Hardy,  contains  eight  jowm&es  ;  while  Les  Heureuses  Infortunes 
(1618)  by  La  Brousse,  Tyr  et  Sidon  (1628)  by  Schelandre,  La  Gene- 
reuse  Allemande  (1630)  by  Mareschal,  and  Argenis  et  Poliarque 
by  Du  Byer,  contain  time  divisions  into  two  such  parts.  The  tragi- 
comedy thus  betrays  its  medieval  origin  even  in  its  form,  that  part 
of  it  which  had  undergone  classical  influence  to  the  greatest  extent. 

It  should  be  noted  here  that  these  phenomena  of  dramatic  con- 
struction apply  to  the  non-comic  medieval  drama,  to  the  miracles 
and  mysteres  rather  than  to  the  more  condensed  moralite  and  farce. 
The  tragi-comedy  is,  indeed,  in  its  mature  form  the  outgrowth  of 
this  religious  drama  rather  than  of  its  contemporary  genres  that 
tended  towards  the  comedy,  although  both  the  moralite  and  farce 
are  represented  by  early  tragi-comedies. 

2.  The  second  important  characteristic  of  the  fully  developed 
tragi-comedy  is  the  non-comic,  secular,  non-historic,  and  roma- 
nesque  nature  of  the  subjects  treated.1  In  this  respect  it  finds 
prototypes  in  certain  medieval  plays  as  surely  as  it  finds  them  in 
the  matter  of  its  dramatic  structure. 

It  is  true  that,  in  the  sixteenth  and  early  seventeenth  centuries, 
the  name  tragi-comedie  is  applied  to  a  number  of  plays  that  are 
derived  from  the  comic  side  of  the  medieval  drama.  The  farce  is 
represented  by  La  Nouvelle  tragicomique  (1597)  of  Papillon  and 
by  three  undated  plays  published  at  Rouen  toward  1620:  the 
Rebellion  des  grenouilles  contre  Jupiter,  La  Subtilite  de  Fanfreluche 
et  Gaudichon  and  the  Enfans  de  Turlupin.  The  moralite  appears 
in  U Homme  iustifie  'par  Foy  (1554),  La  Gaule  (about  1561), 
Gamier  Stqfacher  (1584),  Le  Desespere  (1595),  Caresmc  prenamt 
(1595),  L'union  Belgique  (1604),  Zo'anthropie  (1614),  besides 
causing  the  introduction  of  allegorical  characters  into  several  other 
tragi-comedies.     These,    however,    are   exceptional    cases    in    the 

1  See  above,  p.  xxiv. 


6  The  French  Tragi-  Comedy : 

seventeenth  century,  while  in  the  sixteenth  their  occurrence  is  an 
evidence  of  the  fact  that  the  term,  tragi-comedie,  could  at  that  time 
be  applied  to  any  representative  of  the  medieval  drama  that  had  a 
happy  denouement  and  at  least  a  partially  classical  form.  The 
mature  romanesque  type  of  tragi-comedy,  and  its  early  religious 
representative  that  derives  its  plot  from  the  Bible,  grow  directly 
out  of  the  medieval  mystery  and  miracle  play,  especially  from  the 
3Timcles  de  Nostre  Dame  and  the  Mistere  du  Viel  Testament. 

These  medieval  forms  have  no  connection  with  the  comedy  of 
manners.  Presenting  a  plot  of  which  the  interest  lies  in  the  events 
narrated  rather  than  in  the  problems  discussed,  or  the  customs 
portrayed,  they  are  to  be  chiefly  distinguished  from  the  tragi- 
comedy by  their  prevailingly  religious  spirit,  which  is  largely 
lacking  in  the  younger  genre.  This  secularization  is  a  matter  of 
historical  development  that  may  be  readily  explained. 

The  earliest  dramatic  monuments  of  the  middle  ages,  Adam  and 
the  Resurrection  fragment  are  essentially  religious,  but  with  the 
Theophile  and  the  Saint  Nicolas  secular  interests  are  apparent. 
The  tendency  to  introduce  these  interests  into  the  plays  is  espe- 
cially observable  in  the  fourteenth  century  Miracles  de  Nostre 
Dame,  which  are  at  times  dramatized  romances,  with  Nostre  Dame 
introduced  to  accomplish  the  denouement.  Good  examples  of  such 
dramas  are  Amis  et  Amille,1  Ostes  roy  d'TJspaingne,2  and  La  Fille 
du  Roi  de  Hongrie.3  The  interest  is  here  in  the  events,  to  which 
the  role  of  Nostre  Dame  is  subordinated.  So  far,  indeed,  is  the 
expression  of  this  feeling  carried,  that  plays  are  developed  from 
which  the  religious  element  is  entirely  lacking,  as  is  the  case  with 
Griselidis.* 

In  the  fifteenth  century  this  secular  spirit  is  less  apparent.  The 
Mistere  du  Viel  Testament  shows  the  reappearance  of  Biblical  plots, 
a  number  of  which  are  again  met  with  in  early  tragi-comedies. 
Jacob's  theft  of  the  paternal  blessing,  his  flight,  marriage,  and 
return,  the  finding  of  Moses  by  Pharaoh's  daughter,  the  sufferings 

1  Miracles  de  Nostre  Dame,  IV,  1-67. 

2  Ibidem,  v,  315-88.  s  Ibidem,  v,  1-88.  "Cf.  page  2  above. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  7 

of  Job,  the  romantic  adventures  of  Tobit l  are  repeated  in  the 
tragi-coniedies  of  Jacob  (1604),  Johebed  (1597),  Job  (1572),  and 
Thobie  (1579).  The  story  of  Abraham,  described  at  length  in  the 
MisUre  du  Viel  Testament,2  reappears  in  a  lost  tragi-comedy  con- 
cerning "  deux  grieves  tentations  desquelles  le  patriarche  Abraham 
a  6te  exerce."  :i  In  the  same  century,  prototypes  of  the  romanesque 
form  of  tragi-comedy  can  be  found  in  Le  Hoi  Avenir,*  Judith  and 
Esther  from  the  Mistere  du  Viel  Testament?  and  in  La  Destruction 
de  Troie.6  These  are  continued  in  the  early  sixteenth  century  by 
Saint  Louis 7  and  in  several  of  the  Douze  Mysteres  de  Nostre  Dame  de 
Liesse  ; 8  by  the  lost  Roy  de  CastUle  ct  la  roync  sur  la  mer,  Histoire 
romaine  intituUe  du  Roy  de  Gascogne,  and  Le  jugement  du  Roy 
d'Aragon,  played  at  Bethune,  1506,  1509,  and  1526,  respect- 
ively ; 9  by  Huon  de  Bordeaux  (1557)  and  a  drama  in  which  un  roi 
Mabriant  figured,  two  pieces  known  to  have  been  played  at  Paris 
by  the  Confrerie  de  la  Passion.10 

By  a  parliamentary  act  of  November  17,  1548,11  moreover, 
mysteres  sacres  were  prohibited  and  only  mysteres  projphanes 
allowed,  so  that  dramatic  authors  were  forced  to  seek  secular 
subjects,  or  to  disguise  their  religious  plays  under  a  classical 
form.  This  partly  accounts  for  the  two  features  of  the  tragi- 
comedy that  chiefly  distinguish  it  from  the  medieval  drama,  its 
secular  character  and  its  classical  form.  The  fact  that  secular 
miracles  and  mysthres  are  occasionally  found,  while  religious  tragi- 
comedies are  common  in  the  sixteenth  and  still  persist  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  evidences  the  result  of  a  literary  evolution. 

In  the  middle  ages  the  miracles  and  mysteres  possessed  religious 
and  secular  elements,  of  which  the  former  predominated.     The 

1Mistere  du  Viel  Testament,  n,  139-246  ;  in,  238-245 ;  v,  1-51,  52-129. 
2  ii,  28-79.  3  See  below,  page  57. 

*  Petit  de  Julleville,  Les  Mysteres,  II,  474. 

5  v,  271-354 ;  vi,  1-179. 

6  Petit  de  Julleville,  Les  Mys&res  n,  569. 

''Ibidem,  583.  s Ibidem,  608. 

9  Petit  de  Julleville,  Repertoire,  358,  360,  376. 

10  J.  A.  Dulaure,  Histoire  physique,  civile  et  morale  de  Paris  (Paris,  1821),  in, 
125  and  127  in  the  edition  of  Laynadier. 

11  Ibidem,  124. 


8  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

Renaissance  so  promoted  the  secular  dramatic  spirit  that  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  both  religious  and  secular 
plays  occurred  side  by  side,  descended  from  the  medieval  plays, 
but  now  bearing  the  name  tragi-comedie.  In  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury the  evolution  is  completed  with  the  triumph  of  the  secular 
form,  which  was  then  used  by  all  but  a  few  conservatives. 

Another  case  of  development  in  the  character  of  the  subject 
treated  in  tragi-comedies  is  observed  in  the  growth  of  the  idea 
that  an  historic  plot  was  to  be  avoided.  Before  the  Renaissance, 
historical  subjects,  like  the  Bapttme  de  Clovis1  or  the  Siege 
d'  Orleans,2  were  treated  side  by  side  with  the  marvellous  legend 
of  Robert  le  Dyable.3  These  were  probably  regarded  as  equally 
historic  by  their  authors,  whose  choice  of  subject  was  unaffected 
by  such  considerations,  as  the  exactness  with  which  they  drama- 
tized their  sources  depended  rather  on  the  poverty  of  their 
imagination  than  on  a  developed  historical  sense.  In  the  early 
tragi-comedies,  subjects  believed  by  their  authors  to  be  historical 
were  confined  to  those  derived  from  the  Old  Testament  narrative, 
alongside  of  which  occur  romanesque  dramas  based  on  Ariosto 
and  Boccaccio.  When  the  genre  was  fully  developed  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  the  non-historical  had  so  replaced  the  his- 
torical subject,  that  treatment  of  the  latter  became  practically 
confined  to  the  classical  tragedy.4 

These  statements,  however,  apply  only  to  the  conscious  choice 
of  a  non-historical  theme.  It  is  only  with  the  development  of  a 
general  sense  of  the  difference  between  the  historical  and  the  non- 
historical  that  such  choice  became  possible.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
however,  the  non-historical  theme  was  freely  treated  in  the  middle 
ages  and  in  the  seventeenth  century,  so  that  the  tragi-comedy 
finds  prototypes  in  this  as  well  as  in  other  respects  among  the 
miracles  and  mysteres. 

Not  only  are  such  medieval  subjects  non-historical,  but  they 
possess  frequently  the  romanesque  qualities  of  the  tragi-comedy. 

1  Miracles  de  Nostre  Dame,  vil,  193-277. 

2  Petit  de  Julleville,  Les  Mysteres,  n,  576. 

3  Miracles  de  Nostre  Dame,  vi,  1-77. 

4  An  exception  occurs  in  L' 'union  Belgique  (1604.) 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  9 

Similar  themes  are  acceptable  to  authors  of  medieval  plays  and 
of  tragi-comedies,  as  is  shown  by  a  comparison  of  the  plots  of 
the  Miracle  de  Nostre  Dame  de  la  Marquise  de  la  (iaudine  1  and 
of  La  Polyxene  Tragicomcedie  (1597)  by  Jean  Behourt.  In  the 
former,  the  uncle  of  the  marquise  seeks  in  vain  to  seduce  her 
during  her  husband's  absence.  Desiring  revenge  for  his  repulse, 
he  puts  a  dwarf  in  her  bed  while  she  sleeps,  pretends  to  find  him 
there,  murders  him,  and  accuses  the  marquise  of  adultery.  The 
husband  on  his  return  condemns  her  to  be  burned  alive.  Fortu- 
nately a  knight  whom  she  has  formerly  befriended  arrives  at  this 
juncture,  proclaims  her  innocence,  and  challenges  whosoever 
may  deny  it.  The  uncle  accepts  the  challenge,  is  conquered,  and 
admits  the  falsity  of  the  accusation.  The  marquis  and  marquise 
are  reunited,  while  the  kuight  is  rewarded  with  half  the  former's 
lands.  The  role  of  Nostre  Dame  is  subordinate,  as  she  descends 
from  heaven  only  to  comfort  the  marquise  and  assure  the  knight 
of  her  innocence.  The  same  plot  is  found  in  La  Polyxene,  where 
the  knight  is  made  the  lover  of  the  lady  he  rescues,  to  whom  he 
is  united  in  marriage  after  her  husband's  opportune  death  in 
battle.  The  subsidiary  religious  element  introduced  by  the  pres- 
ence of  Nostre  Dame  is  wanting  in  La  Polyxene. 

The  romanesque  expression  of  love  that  is  characteristic  of  the 
tragi-comedy  is  also  found  in  the  miracle  and  mystere.  The  love 
of  a  man  and  a  maiden  is  recounted  in  La  nonne  qui  laissa  son 
abbaic,2  in  Tobie,3  and  in  the  fifth  of  the  Mysteres  de  Nostre  Dame 
de  Liesse*  but,  as  a  rule,  the  heroine  of  these  medieval  genres  is 
a  married  woman,  while  in  the  tragi-comedy  the  removal  of 
obstacles  to  marriage  forms  the  denouement  of  the  piece.  This 
change  is  probably  brought  about  by  the  freer  position  of  unmar- 
ried women  after  the  middle  ages.  In  both  cases,  however,  love 
is  an  important  element  of  many  plays,  whether  it  be  before  or 
after  the  marriage  of  the  heroine. 

The  favorite  medieval  theme  of  a  wife  unjustly  slandered  by  an 
unsuccessful  aud  revengeful  lover  has  already  been  noted  in  the 

1  Miracles  de  Nostre  Dame,  l,  121-170. 

2  See  page  3  above.  R  See  page  7  above. 


10  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

case  of  the  Marquise  de  la  Gaudine.  It  occurs  again  in  Berthe,1 
VEmpereris  de  Rommc,2  Oste  roi  d'  Espaingne*  La  Fille  du  Roi 
d'  Hongrie*  and  in  number  seven  of  the  Mysteres  de  Nostre  Dame 
de  Liesse.*  With  these  may  be  compared  numerous  tragi-comedies 
in  which  the  virtue  of  the  heroine  has  been  calumniated  ;  as,  for 
example,  Genevre  (1609),  Madonte  (1631),  and  La  Virginie 
(1633). 

The  woman's  innocence  is  proved  by  resort  to  single  combat 
in  Oste  Roi  d'  Espaingne,3  as  it  was  in  the  Marquise  de  la  Gaudine, 
and  as  it  is  again  in  the  tragi-comedies,  Genevre  and  Madonte. 
Duels  for  this  and  other  reasons  are,  indeed,  exceedingly  frequent 
in  tragi-comedies  and  may  also  be  found  in  the  medieval  drama. 
An  especially  romanesque  effect  is  produced  when  a  woman  puts  on 
armor  to  fight,  disguised  as  a  man.  La  Fille  d'un  roy 5  illustrates 
this  use  for  the  medieval  drama,  as  do  La  Saur  valeureuse  (1634), 
Omphalic  (1630)  and  L'infideUe  Confidente  (1631)  for  the  tragi- 
comedy. Such  combats  and  the  deaths  that  often  accompany  them 
are  portrayed,  moreover,  on  the  stage.  In  neither  tragi-comedy 
nor  medieval  drama  is  there  any  of  the  classic  shrinking  from  the 
melodramatic  that  places  behind  the  scenes  all  violent  displays  of 
physical  force. 

The  exposure  and  subsequent  recognition  of  children,  disguises, 
enlevements,  assignations  and  other  adventures  furnish  elements  of 
the  romanesque  to  miracle,  mystere  and  tragi-comedy.  Amis  et 
Amilles  is  comparable  with  Scudery's  LAgdamon  et  Lidias  in  its 
portrayal  of  adventures  due  to  a  marvellous  resemblance,  with 
Hardy's  Gesippe  in  the  setting  forth  of  a  friendship  unto  death. 
The  medieval  hermit  of  Le  Roi  Avenir,6  Saint  Guillaume  du 
desert,7  and  other  plays  reappears  in  such  tragi-comedies  as 
Madonte  (1631)  and  L'Orizelle  (1632).  The  medieval  notion  of 
humor  derived  from    the   antics    of  a   deranged 


1  Miracles  de  Nostre  Dame,  v,  153-251.         2  Ibidem,  iv,  237-313. 
3  See  above,  page  6.  iIbidem. 

bMiracles  de  Nostre  Dame,  vn,  1-117. 

6  Petit  de  Julleville,  Les  Mysteres,  ir,  474. 

7  Miracles  de  Nostre  Dame,  n,  153. 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  11 

notably  in  Robert  Je  Dyahle '  and  Un  Parroissian  esconmenie.2 
It  is  preserved  in  Les  Folies  de  Cardenio  (1625)  and  IJOspital 
des  Fous  (1635). 

Although  the  supernatural  elements  connected  with  almost  every 
miracle  or  mystere  largely  disappeared  with  the  secularization  of 
the  medieval  play,  they  left  traces  in  the  tragi-comedy  that  are  by 
no  means  rare.  The  miracle  of  the  fiery  furnace,  the  magic 
properties  of  Tobit's  fish,  the  prophecies  of  the  magician  in  La 
Nouvelle  tragicomique,  the  appearance  of  the  diablon  in  Le  Desespere 
occur  in  plays  to  which  the  term,  tragi-comedie,  is  applied  in  its 
sixteenth  century  sense,  but  similar  examples  of  the  use  of  the 
supernatural  can  be  cited  from  seventeenth  century  plays.  La 
Clotilde  (1613)  and  Richecourt  (1628)  are  belated  miracles,  as 
was  the  Tragi-comtdie  de  Saint-fitienne  (1605).  In  Philandre  et 
Marisee  (1619)  the  heroine  returns  from  heaven  to  accompany  her 
husband  thither.  In  V Inconstance  punie  (1630),  the  fickle  pro- 
tagonist is  punished  by  a  bolt  from  the  skies.  A  magician  appears 
in  Omphalle  (1631),  in  Les  Passions  esgarees  (1632)  and  in  a 
number  of  tragi-comMies  pastorales. 

These  examples  are  sufficient  to  prove  the  persistence  of  medieval 
dramatic  qualities  in  the  tragi-comedy  as  far  as  the  subject  of  the 
plays  is  concerned.  It  has  been  shown  that  the  romanesque 
characteristics  of  the  miracle  and  mystere  form  an  integral  part  of 
the  tragi-comedy,  for  not  only  did  similar  topics  appeal  to  the 
authors  of  each  genre,  but  similar  means  were  employed  in  the 
development  of  the  themes.  The  chief  distinction  to  be  made 
regarding  the  subject  matter  of  the  genres  is  that  the  tragi-comedy 
is  largely  secular,  while  the  medieval  drama  is  religious.  It  has 
been  shown,3  however,  that  this  character  of  the  tragi-comedy  is 
the  result  of  the  spirit  of  its  age,  expressed  by  popular  approval  of 
the  secular,  and  legal  prohibition  of  the  religious  drama,  but  that 
the  change  has  not  been  sufficiently  complete  to  prevent  survivals 
of  supernatural  elements  even  in  the  tragi-comedy  of  the  seven- 
teenth century. 

3.    The  happy  denouement  that  constitutes  a  third  feature  of  the 

1  Ibidem,  it,  1-77.  2  Ibidem,  in,  1-65.  sPage  6  seq. 


12  The  French    Tragi- Comedy : 

tragi-comedy  occurs  very  frequently  in  the  miracles  and  mysteres. 
It  is  characteristic  of  a  religious  drama  that  virtue  is  rewarded 
therein  and  vice  punished.  Even  plays  in  which  the  holy  pro- 
tagonist is  martyred  cannot  be  considered  tragic  on  account  of  the 
heavenly  consolation  held  out  to  the  suffering  saint.  More  imme- 
diate, however,  is  the  hero's  reward  in  the  fourteenth  century 
Miracles  de  Nostre  Dame,  where  Our  Lady  plays  the  role  of  deus 
ex  machind,  producing  the  astonishing  results  that  are  brought 
about  in  a  tragi-comedy  by  a  combination  of  circumstances  often 
little  less  miraculous  than  those  depicted  in  its  medieval  prototype. 

In  the  fifteenth  century,  the  plays  of  the  MisUre  du  Viel  Testa- 
ment show  the  punishment  of  vice  and  reward  of  virtue  that 
characterize  Old  Testament  narratives.  The  happy  denouement  is 
also  found  in  plays  that  deal  with  Christ's  Resurrection,  but  not 
with  those  that  have  to  do  with  the  Passion,  if  they  be  taken 
individually.  It  is  less  common  in  the  Cycle  des  Saints,  though 
the  termination  cannot  be  considered  unhappy  in  such  plays  as 
Saint  Clement l  or  Sainte  T>arbe,2  where  the  souls  of  the  martyrs  are 
carried  to  heaven  by  angels.  Even  the  element  of  the  tragic  that  is 
present  in  a  martyrdom  is  lacking  in  Sainte  Genevieve,3  U  Institution 
de  V  Ordre  des  Freres  Prescheurs,*  Marie  MadeleineJ'  Saint  Nicolas,6 
and  Saint  Remy.7  This  happy  termination  is  further  characteristic 
of  Le  Sie~ge  d'  Orleans,*  but  is  lacking  in  La  destruction  de  Troie.9 

While  both  endings  are  found  in  the  sixteenth  century,  the  happy 
denouement  predominates,  characterizing  especially  the  Douze  Mys- 
teres de  Nostre  Dame  de  Liesse.10 

It  is  evident,  then,  that  while  both  forms  of  denouement  existed 
in  the  mysteres  and  miracles,  the  happy  termination  is  there  pre- 
dominant. This  fact  is  in  keeping  with  the  theory  of  the  develop- 
ment of  the  drame  litre  out  of  the  medieval  drama,  for  it  contains 
plays  of  tragic  ending  like  Pkilanire  femme  d? Hippolyte  (1577) 
by  the  side  of  the  tragi-comedy  with  its  happy  denouement ;  but 

1  Petit  de  Julleville,  Les  Mysteres,  u,  493. 

2  Ibidem,  486.  3  Ibidem,  515.  4  Ibidem,  522. 
5  Ibidem,  533.  6  Ibidem,  541.  7  Ibidem,  555. 
8  Ibidem,  576.                            » Ibidem,  569.  i0  Ibidem,  608. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  13 

just  as  in  the  middle  ages,  the  play  of  happy  termination  pre- 
dominated, so  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  the  tragi- 
comedy with  its  happy  ending  is  the  leading  form  of  the  drame 
libre. 

4.  The  rank  of  the  personages  in  the  miracle  and  mystere  is 
much  the  same  as  in  the  tragi-comedy.  Kings  and  princes,  popes 
and  prelates,  biblical  leaders  and  members  of  the  heavenly 
hierarchy  play  principal  roles  in  the  medieval  drama,  serving  as 
prototypes  to  the  aristocratic  protagonists  of  the  tragi-comedy. 
In  both  kinds,  however,  bourgeois  and  plebeians  may  be  added, 
if  the  author  so  desires. 

In  R'Empereur  Juliea l  figure  the  emperor,  Xostre  Dame  and 
angels,  the  seneschal,  two  cavaliers,  three  clerks,  three  bourgeois 
and  attendants.  In  Griselidis2  the  marquis  is  allied  to  a  shep- 
herdess, daughter  of  an  humble  peasant.  27 Incarnation  el  la 
Nativite  de  J.-C:J  includes  among  its  dramatis  personal  Dim 
le  pefre,  Octavien  empereur  de  Romme,  leaders  of  the  Jews,  shep- 
herds and  women  of  Bethlehem.  Besides  heavenly  personages, 
the  emperor,  and  prelates,  Saint  Crespin  et  Saint  Crespinien4 
contains  le  messagier,  le  geollier,  Rogier  le  bon  homme,  Pavie 
bonne  fame,  le  ladre,  Vaveugle,  le  fol,  his  vallet,  etc.  In  Saint 
Chridopheb  (1527)  the  three  ranks  are  represented  by  King 
Darius,  two  bourgeoys  and  Purdoyu,  varlet  du  tavernier. 

Among  tragi-comedies  that  show  the  same  mingling  of  men 
of  various  ranks  may  be  mentioned  Rueelle  (1576),  Hardy's 
Felismene,  Res  Heureuses  Inforttmes  (1618),  Risandre  et  Caliste 
(1632),  in  which  a  physician,  a  banker,  servants,  shepherds, 
fishermen  and  a  butcher  are  introduced  along  with  leading  char- 
acters of  princely  rank.  Many  other  examples  can  be  cited  to 
show  that  in  this  respect  the  tragi-comedy  shows  a  freedom  of 
treatment  unknown  to  the  classical  stage  and  derived  from  the 
usage  of  the  medieval  drama. 

5.    Another  attribute  of  the  tragi-comedy  is  the  addition   of 

1  Miracles  de  Nostre  Dame,  ir,  171-226.  2  See  above,  page  2. 

3  Petit  de  Julleville,  Les  Mysteres,  n,  430. 

4  Ibidem,  498.  f>  Ibidem,  491. 


14  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

comic  elements  as  a  frequent,  if  not  an  essential  characteristic. 
Similarly  "  le  comique,  dans  le  mystere,  6tait  en  somme  episodique 
plutot  que  necessaire ;  un  accident,  non  un  element  integrant  du 
poeme ;  une  broderie  tres  prodiguee  sur  un  fond  serieux." 1 
Usually  spoken  by  some  special  character  as  the  fou,  or  the  diable 
when  he  is  not  tragic,  this  element  was  of  exceedingly  common 
occurrence,  as  the  reading  of  almost  any  miracle  or  mystb-e  will 
show.2 

These  statements  are  equally  true  of  the  tragi-comedy,  though 
there  are  probably  more  plays  in  this  genre  that  are  entirely  free 
from  comic  elements  than  there  are  in  its  medieval  predecessors. 
Among  tragi-comedies  in  which  this  feature  is  particularly  evident 
may  be  mentioned  Lucelle  (1576),  Bradamante  (1582),  Ariadne 
Rauie  (about  1606),  UEphesienne  (1614)  Les  Folies  de  Cardenio 
(1625),  Tyr  et  Sidon  (1628),  L' Innocence  Descouverte  (1628), 
Lisandre  et  Caliste  (1632),  and  L'Ospital  des  Fous  (1635).  In 
these,  as  in  the  myderes,  the  comic  element  is  introduced  to  add 
interest  to  the  play,  but  is  not  essential  to  its  existence.  It  is 
usually  found  in  the  mouths  of  subordinate  personages. 

The  many  resemblances  indicated  between  the  tragi-comedy  and 
the  medieval  plays  show  clearly  that  it  derived  from  them  its 
essential  dramatic  qualities  as  well  as  the  stage  on  which  it  was 
acted.  There  was  no  break  here  in  the  historical  development  of 
the  French  theater,  for  the  tragi-comedy  was  the  chief  of  the 
modernized  seventeenth  century  forms  of  the  medieval  drama. 
But  all  medieval  dramatic  forms  were  not  represented  in  it  to  an 
equal  extent.  The  farce,  as  already  mentioned,3  was  imitated  by 
only  four  so-called  tragi-comedies  besides  portions  of  such  plays 
as  Lucelle  and  U Innocence  descouverte.  As,  moreover,  it  had  already 
inspired  the  comic  elements  in  many  of  the  mysteres,  the  greater 
part  of  its  influence  on  the  tragi-comedy  was  probably  exerted 
through  that  medium. 

The  moraliU  has  been  shown 4  to  give  rise  to  several  tragi- 
comedies of  the  sixteenth   century.     From   it,   furthermore,  the 

1  Petit  de  Julleville,  Les  Mysteres,  I,  278. 

2 Ibidem,  266-278.  3  See  above,  page  5.  4  Ibidem. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  15 

younger  genre  introduced  allegorical  characters  into  such  plays  as 
Polyxene  (1597)  and  Pasithee  (1624).  Of  greater  importance, 
however,  was  the  influence  of  the  moralite  in  deepening  the  study 
of  the  moral  ideas  that  prompted  the  actions  of  the  various  per- 
sonages. The  moralite  has  been  called  the  commentary  on  the 
text  of  the  mystere  and  as  such  it  has  influenced  the  tragi-comedy, 
which  shows  an  advance  beyond  the  mystere,  from  a  psychological 
point  of  view,  although  it  is  still  greatly  inferior  in  this  regard  to 
the  classical  tragedy. 

The  tragi-comedy,  however,  is  concerned  more  largely  with  inci- 
dents than  with  their  cause.  When  it  teaches,  it  does  so  by 
example  rather  than  precept.  In  this  respect  it  closely  resembles 
the  miracle  and  mystere  and  shows  its  lack  of  essential  connection 
with  the  moralite.  The  miracle  and  mystere,  moreover,  are  the 
only  medieval  forms  that  show  fully  the  construction  of  the  tragi- 
comedy, its  serious  fond  and  joyous  denouement,  its  aristocratic 
protagonist,  its  addition  of  the  comic,  and  especially  its  choice  of 
the  romanesque  in  subject  and  detail.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
tragi-comedy  originated  in  them  rather  than  in  any  other  medieval 
form. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  tragi-comedy  in  its  secular  and 
romanesque  subject  seems  nearer  to  the  fourteenth  century  Miracles 
de  Nostre  Dame  than  to  the  Mystfrres  of  the  fifteenth  century.  It 
is  probable,  however,  that  many  representatives  of  the  miracle 
were  known  during  the  fifteenth  century,  although  they  have  not 
been  preserved,  for  they  reappear  in  the  sixteenth  century  Miracles 
de  Nostre  Dame  de  Liesse.  The  fifteenth  century  mystere  shows, 
furthermore,  sufficient  resemblance  to  the  tragi-comedy  to  be 
regarded  as  its  prototype,  even  had  the  miracle  failed  to  survive, 
for  when  either  genre  is  secularized  and  given  classical  form,  the 
differences  between  it  and  the  tragi-comedy  are  such  as  can  be 
readily  explained  by  the  modernity  of  the  younger  genre.  So  it  is 
that  medieval  mystb'es  with  biblical  plot  reappear  as  tragi-comedies, 
and  that  belated  miracles  occur  in  the  seventeenth  century  under 
the  title,  tragi-comklie.  By  this  time,  however,  the  great  majority 
of  tragi-comedies  had  undergone  influences  that  had  changed  the 
appearance,  if  not  the  essential  qualities  of  the  genre.  It  is  these 
influences  that  must  now  be  discussed. 


16  The  French   Tragi- Comedy: 


II.    The  Relation  of  the  French  Tragi-Comedy  to 
the  Drama  or  Greece  and  Rome. 

1.  While  the  special  influence  of  the  drama  of  Greece  and  Rome 
on  the  tragi-comedy  is  concerned  largely  with  the  form  and  name 
adopted  by  the  latter  genre,  there  is  a  general  influence  of 
more  far-reaching  effect  that  has  been  exerted  by  the  ancient 
stage  in  company  with  other  Greek  and  Latin  literary  kinds. 
This  influence  is  not  concerned  in  the  creation  of  the  tragi-comic 
genre,  but  is  important  in  deepening  and  secularizing  its  character, 
in  doing  away  with  much  medieval  crudity  and  confusion,  and  in 
individualizing  the  author  and  the  personages  he  treats.  These 
phenomena  are  noticeable  in  Renaissance  literature  as  a  whole  and 
are  due  to  the  ancient  stage  only  as  it  forms  a  part  of  the  corpus 
of  classic  literature. 

From  the  individualization  of  the  author  results  the  fact  that, 
while  medieval  plays  were  largely  anonymous,  the  authors  of  all 
but  thirteen  tragi-comedies  are  known  to  us  by  name.1  The  per- 
sonal spirit  is  shown,  also,  in  the  large  number  of  dedications  and 
introductory  writings  attached  to  tragi-comedies.  This  reacts 
upon  the  personages  of  the  play,  whose  characters  are  more 
varied,  and  show  the  results  of  more  careful  thought  than  do  those 
of  the  medieval  drama.  There  is  visible  here  and  elsewhere  a 
toning  down  of  the  medieval  exaggerations  that  indicates  a  tendency 
toward  realism,  causing  the  disappearance  of  the  miraculous  from 
most  tragi-comedies. 

The  style  has  developed  from  the  naive  character  of  the  mystere 
to  a  degree  of  subjectivity  that  becomes  preciosite  with  Scudery 
and  other  authors.  Classical  allusions  abound,  frequently  occurring 
in  the  speech  of  most  unsuitable  persons.  The  employment  of 
such  terms  as  Fleuve  stygieux,2  Parques  fat-ales,3  Champs  Reliseens* 

1  These  are  :  Jacob  ou  Anlidolatrie,  Purification  du  temple  de  Jerusalem,  Henry 
et  Kunegonde,  Ignace  de  Loyola,  Lambertiade,  La  Gaule,  Rebellion  des  grenouilles, 
Fanfreluche  et  Gaudichon,  Enfans  de  Turlupin,  Saint  Etienne,  Alexandre  et  Annette, 
Richecourt,  and  Agimee. 

2  La  Gaule,  I.  3  Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher,  n.  4  Thobie,  II. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  17 

however,  while  showing  classical  influence,  is  not  altogether  a 
departure  from  medieval  usage,  for  there  also  classical  pedantry  at 
times  ran  riot.1 

The  tragi-comedy  frequently  employs  classical  names  for  its 
personages,  as,  Mercure,2  Bellone,3  Hospes,4  Hamarthie,5  and 
many  others.  Biehecourt  (1628)  is  partly  written  in  Latin,  while 
a  quotation  in  that  language  closes  Philandre  et  Marisee  (1619). 
These  are  only  a  few  instances  of  the  enormous  influence  exerted 
on  the  tragi-comedy  by  classical  literature,  as  a  whole.  It  is 
evident  that  changes  thus  brought  about  characterize  other  genres 
as  well  as  the  tragi-comedy.  For  a  more  special  influence  on  this 
new  dramatic  kind,  brought  about  by  the  classical  drama  only, 
one  must  look  elsewhere. 

2.  The  influence  of  Seneca  can  be  detected  in  a  number  of 
tragi-comedies.  The  violent  expressions  of  emotion,  invocations 
of  heavenly  powers,  elaborate  circumlocutions,  mythological  allu- 
sions, overworked  metaphors,  and  labored  monologues  that 
characterize  this  author's  plays  are  found  in  such  tragi-comedies  as 
La  Gaule,  Bradamante,6  V  Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher,  Theagene 
et  Cariclee,  Genevre,  Les  Heureuses  Infortunes  and  L'Innocenee 
Descouverte.  The  plot  of  the  latter  play  may  be  partly  drawn  from 
Seneca's  Phaedra  or  Euripides's  Hijypolytus,  though  the  happy 
denouement  and  addition  of  extensive  comic  passages  show  that  the 
imitation  amounts  to  little  more  than  the  repetition  of  the  theme 
of  a  woman's  incestuous  passion  and  her  desire  for  vengeance  on 
the  stepson  whom  she  had  failed  to  seduce. 

A  number  of  tragi-comedies  draw  their  plots  from  Greek  and 
Latin  authors,7  but  only  one  of  them  traces  its  source  to  a  classical 
play.     This  is  Hardy's  Alceste,  which,  the  author  states,  is  derived 

1  Cf.  Petit  de  Julleville,  Les  Mystcres,  n,  261  seq. 

2  La  Gaule.      3  Gamier  Stoffacher.      *  La  Nouvclle  tragicomiquc.      5  Zoanthropie. 

6  For  special  influence  here,  cf.  H.  M.  Schmidt- Wartenberg,  Seneca' s  Influence 
on  Robert  Gamier,  Darmstadt,  1888. 

7  Two  on  Theagene  et  Cariclee  ;  Arsacomc,  Procria,  Alceste,  Ariadne  Rauie,  L'  Ephe- 
sienne,  Heureuses  Infortunes,  Gesippe,  Phraarte,  Aretaphile,  Clilophon,  Les  Travaux 
d'  Ulysse.  All  but  the  last  are  by  Hardy  or  by  contemporary  authors.  Aristoclee 
and  Leandre  et  Heron,  improperly  called  tragi-comedies,  also  have  classical 
subjects. 


18  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

from  the  Aleestis  of  Euripides.  He  does  not  understand  Euripides's 
dramatic  principles,  however,  using  him  as  he  used  Cervantes, 
merely  for  the  story  set  forth  in  his  play.  A  comparison  of  the 
two  dramas  is  of  interest,  as  it  shows  the  difference  in  the  con- 
structions of  a  classical  tragedy  and  a  tragi-comedy. 

Euripides's  drama  consists  of  a  few  important  scenes  closely 
connected  in  interest  and  played  by  a  small  number  of  persons. 
The  ideas  of  death  and  guest-friendship  that  run  throughout  the 
play  give  unity  of  action  to  the  plot,  which  is  also  one  in  place  and 
time.  The  beauty  of  the  play  is  largely  derived  from  the  study 
of  character  and  the  portrayal  of  the  heroine's  noble  sacrifice. 
The  thread  of  the  narrative,  after  the  preliminary  debate  between 
Apollo  and  Death,  is  taken  up  just  before  the  demise  of  Aleestis, 
after  she  has  consented  to  die  for  her  lord. 

Hardy,  on  the  other  hand,  begins  his  narrative  with  the  gods, 
when  Juno  sends  a  messenger  to  bid  Hercules  go  in  search  of 
Cerberus.  In  Act  II  Admete  laments  his  approaching  end,  while 
listening  to  protestations  of  affection  from  his  father  and  mother. 
Then  the  message  of  the  oracle  is  brought  that  allows  one  of  them 
to  die  for  him.  They  refuse  and  Aleestis  offers  to  sacrifice  herself. 
In  Act  III  Hercules  arrives  and  is  told  the  situation  by  Admete, 
whom  he  promises  to  aid  by  descending  to  the  Royaume  des  morts. 
This  he  actually  does  in  the  following  act,  much  to  the  disgust  of 
the  infernal  powers.  Finally  he  returns  to  earth  with  Alceste, 
whom  he  reunites  to  Admete. 

Hardy  is  far  from  Euripides,  whom  he  follows  but  little.  He 
has  combined  with  the  Aleestis  narrative  the  account  of  one  of 
Hercules's  labors,  iucluding  his  rescue  of  Theseus.  The  violation 
of  the  unities  is  conspicuous.  While  Euripides  selects  artistically 
the  scenes  of  philosophical  importance,  Hardy  puts  the  story  on 
the  stage  from  beginning  to  end,  hoping  to  sustain  the  interest 
by  the  succession  of  surprising  events.  It  is  evident  from  this 
example  that,  even  where  the  same  plot  is  dramatized,  the  tragi- 
comedy in  its  essential  elements,  as  a  genre,  is  entirely  independent 
of  classical  influence. 

3.  There  is,  however,  an  obvious  influence  of  the  classical 
drama  on  the  tragi-comedy  in  the  matter  of  the  form  in  which  the 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  19 

latter  genre  is  written.  Like  the  French  classical  tragedy,  the 
tragi-comedy  is  mainly  composed  in  Alexandrine  verse,  the 
French  equivalent  of  the  iambic  hexameter.  In  five  early  plays, 
it  is  true,  the  Alexandrine  is  altogether  lacking  ;  for  Lucelle  (1576) 
and  Iohebed  (1597)  are  written  in  prose;  L'homme  iustifie  par 
Foy  (1552)  and  Les  Enfants  dans  la  Fournaise  (1561)  chiefly  in 
verses  of  ten  syllables,  Caresme  Prenant  (1595)  in  verses  of  eight 
syllables.  It  must  be  noted,  however,  that  these  plays  are  all  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  before  the  tragi-comedy  is  fully  developed. 
In  the  following  century,  the  Alexandrine  is  the  verse-form  com- 
monly employed  in  dialogue  and  monologue  portions  of  the  great 
majority  of  tragi-comedies. 

The  tragi-comedy,  however,  shows  much  greater  liberty  than  the 
French  classical  tragedy  with  respect  to  its  verse  forms.  While 
the  Alexandrine  is  the  prevailing  form  employed,  verses  of  eight 
or  six  syllables  occur  in  lyric  passages,  letters,  love  dialogues  and 
soliloquies.  Echo-rimes  are  found  in  a  number  of  instances 
and  sonnets  are  sometimes  inserted.  The  subject  of  the  use  of 
verse-forms  in  the  tragi-comedy  will  be  treated  below.1  For  the 
present  it  is  sufficient  to  note  that,  while  the  classic  influence  pre- 
dominates in  determining  the  use  of  the  Alexandrine,  shorter  verses 
are  employed  with  considerable  freedom. 

The  division  into  five  acts  is  employed  in  the  tragi-comedy  after 
the  Horatian  precept  and  the  Senecan  example.  The  exceptions 
that  occur  are  found  chiefly  in  sixteenth  century  plays.  There  is 
no  such  division,  for  example,  in  Trols  Enfants  dans  la  Fournaise 
(1561)  or  in  La  Nouvelle  tragicomique  (1597).  La  Gaule  (about 
1561)  is  divided  into  four  acts;  L' Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher 
(1584)  into  three.  The  subdivision  into  scenes  is  slightly  less 
common  ;  it  is  absent  not  only  from  the  plays  that  show  no  act- 
division,  but  also  from  La  Gaule,  L'  Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher, 
La  Polyxene  (1597),  L'Ephesienne  (1614)  and  L'Ethiopique  (1609). 
Concerning  such  divisions  the  author  of  L'homme  iustifie"  par  Foy 
writes  :  "  Touchant  la  disposition  et  ordre  que  i'ay  tenu  en  la 
Tragique  Comedie  ie  Fay  disposee  par  Actes  et  Scenes,  non  tant 

'Pages  81,  99,  and  146. 


20  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

pour  limitation  de  Poetes  comiques,  que  pour  la  division  des  propos 
et  des  dialogues."  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  classical  influence  is 
evident  where  the  division  is  made.  The  authors  of  the  fully 
developed  tragi-comedy  carried  it  as  far  as  did  those  of  the  French 
classic  tragedy,  though  they  did  not  show  the  same  exactitude  in 
changing  the  scene  with  every  variation  in  the  number  of  persons 
on  the  stage.1 

Another  example  of  the  classical  influence  is  found  in  the  chorus, 
which,  however,  never  occupied  an  important  place  in  the  tragi- 
comedy and  soon  disappeared  from  it  altogether.  Where  the 
chorus  occurs,  it  shows  a  wide  variety  of  function.  In  a  number 
of  tragi-comedies  it  plays  the  purely  external  role  of  commenter  on 
the  action,  without  taking  any  part  in  it.2  In  others  it  remains 
external  in  reality,  but  bears  something  of  the  spirit  of  the  play  by 
assuming  a  name  appropriate  to  it.  Thus,  one  finds  Choeur  de  Baby- 
loniens  in  Les  Enfants  dans  la  Fournaise  (1561)  ;  Choeur  des 
soldats,  des  anges,  and  des  vaincus  in  Richecourt  (1628).  In 
U  Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher  (1584)  there  are  three  choruses, 
who  debate  with  one  another  and  with  the  characters,  but  who 
represent  lyric  elements  throughout.  Here  the  chorus  plays  the 
double  role  of  personage  and  commenter.  This  is  true  also  of  the 
chorus  in  Tobie  (1579).  The  evolution  from  the  lyric  to  the 
dialogue-role  is  shown  at  a  further  developed  stage  in  Agimee 
(1629),  where  the  Choeur  des  Luteciens  and  the  Choeur  des  Bergers 
dance  and  play  with  the  actors,  so  that  they  are  scarcely  more 
lyric  than  the  latter.  The  last  step  before  its  disappearance  is 
taken  when  the  chorus  becomes  a  band  of  men  like  the  Roman 
mob  in  Julius  Caesar.  This  is  its  function  in  Hardy's  Theagene 
et  Cariclee  and  Phraarte.  In  general,  however,  Hardy  has  aban- 
doned the  chorus  in  his  tragi-comedies,  thereby  setting  an  example 
that  was  followed  by  his  successors,  except  by  the  monk  that 
wrote  Rieheeourt  and  by  the  author  of  Agimee,  which  is  practically 
a  tragi-comedie  pastorale. 

1Ct,  for  example,  Madonte,  i,  2  and  3 ;  Ligdamon  et  Lidias,  I,  1,  and  V,  1. 
Argents  et  Poliarque,  II,  1  and  IV,  2. 

2Cf.  La  Oaule,  Polyxene,  Jacob,  Geneve,  U  Ephesicnne,  Philandre  et  Marisee. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  21 

In  its  length,  the  tragi-comedy  also  shows  the  effect  of  classical 
influence  ;  for,  while  it  is  rarely  as  short  as  a  Greek  or  Latin 
tragedy,  it  is  briefer  than  the  usual  miracle,  or  mystere.  The  idea 
had  now  become  established,  futhermore,  that  the  play  must  be 
acted  at  a  single  performance,  a  custom  that  had  not  always  been 
adhered  to  during  the  middle  ages.  The  few  tragi-comedies  that 
violate  this  rule  have  been  noted  above.1 

In  these  matters  of  form,  however,  as  in  its  style  and  secular 
spirit,  the  tragi-comedy  has  received  from  the  stage  of  the  Greeks 
and  of  the  Romans  only  what  came  in  fuller  measure  to  the  French 
classical  tragedy.  None  of  these  characteristics  serves  to  mark  it 
as  a  genre  different  from  contemporary  dramatic  kinds.  In  this 
respect,  indeed,  the  only  service  rendered  to  the  tragi-comedy  by 
the  classical  drama  is  the  formation  of  its  genre  name,  first  used, 
however  in  an  entirely  different  sense  from  that  in  which  it  was 
applied  in  France. 

4.  The  term,  tragi-comedy,  first  occurs  in  the  Prologue  to  the 
Amphitruo  of  Plautus,  where  Mercury  calls  the  play  a  tragi- 
comcedia2  because  gods  and  kings  are  introduced  into  the  comedy 
along  with  slaves.     The  passage  runs  as  follows  : 

Quid?  contraxistis  frontem  quia  tragcediam 

dixi  futuram  hanc?  deu'sum  commutauero. 

eandem  hanc,  si  uoltis,  faciam  <iaui>  ex  tragoedia 

comcedia  ut  sit  omnibus  isdem  uorsibus 

utrum  sit  an  non  uoltis  ?  sed  ego  stultior, 

quasi  nesciam  uos  velle,  qui  diuos  siem. 

teneo  quid  animi  uostri  super  hac  re  siet : 

faciam  ut  commixta  sit,  <^sit>  tragico[co]moedia  ; 

nam  me  perpetuo  facere  ut  sit  comcedia, 

reges  quo  ueniant  et  di,  non  par  arbitror 

quid  igitur?  quoniam  hie  seruos  quoque  partis  habet, 

faciam  sit,  proinde  ut  dixi,  tragico[co]mcedia.3 


1  Page  5. 

2  The  versification  shows  that  this  is  the  proper  form,  rather  than  tragicocomwdia, 
which  appears  in  the  MS.  and  has  been  repeated  in  a  number  of  plays  of  an  aca- 
demic type  such  as  the  Hypocrisis  of  Gnaphaeus  (1544),  the  Gedeon  of  Libertus  ab 
Hauthem  (1575),  etc. 

3  Amphitruo,  prologus,  52-63.  T.  Macci  Plauti  Comcedice,  edited  by  W.  M.  Lind- 
say, Oxford,  1903,  2  vols. 


22  The  French   Tragi- Comedy  : 

This  passage  has  been  noted  in  connection  with  the  French  tragi- 
comedy by  Scaliger,1  and  after  him  by  d;  Aubignac,2  Voltaire,3  Les- 
sing,4  and  others.  The  second  of  these,  after  mentioning  Plautus, 
declares  that  the  name  is  "une  raillerie  qu'il  fait  dans  son  Prologue, 
en  ioignant  les  noms  de  ces  deux  Poemes  comme  il  en  avoit  mele"  les 
Personnages."  Plautus's  intent  is  certainly  humorous,  but  he  is  at 
the  same  time  serious  in  his  objection  to  applying  the  term,  comcedia, 
to  a  play  in  which  gods  appear.  A  tragicomoedia  is,  therefore,  a 
comcedia  into  which  are  introduced  personages  ordinarily  confined 
to  the  tragoedia.  Such  a  use  of  the  word  is  approved  by  Lactantius 
Placidus,  who  writes  in  his  Commentaries  in  Statu  Thcbaida, 
"  Tiryntha  Deus.  Iuppiter  mutatus  in  Amphitryonem  concubuisse 
cum  Alcmena  Electryonis  filia  dicitur  in  urbe  Tirynthia .  unde 
natus  est  Hercules ,  unde  et  Tirynthius  dicitur.  de  qua  Plautus 
tragicomcediam  dixit." 5  In  other  words,  the  mingling  of  men  of 
different  rank  gives  rise  to  the  tragi-comedy. 

Now,  this  basis  of  nomenclature  does  not  apply  to  the  French 
tragi-comedy,  for,  although  this  genre  frequently  permits  similar 
mixing,  it  has  at  times  only  such  personages  as  would  be  admitted 
into  a  Greek  tragedy.6  Furthermore,  if  the  mingling  of  rank  were 
the  only  essential  to  constitute  a  tragi-comedy,  the  Amphitruo 
would  be  called  a  tragi-comedie  in  France ;  yet  Rotrou,  whose 
numerous  tragi-comedies  show  that  he  well  understood  the  nature 
of  the  genre,  called  his  Deux  Sosies,  which  is  a  reworking  of  the 
Amphitruo,  not  a  tragi-eomedie,  but  a  comedie.  In  so  many  other 
respects,  also,  does  the  Amphitruo  fail  to  meet  the  requirements  of 
the  French  genre,  that  the  name  tragi-eomedie  seems  to  be  practi- 
cally the  only  evidence  of  connection  between  them. 

No  historical  objection  can  be  raised  against  the  derivation  of  the 
term  from  Plautus's  use  of  it;  for  the  Amphitruo,  never  entirely 
lost  during    the  middle  ages,  was  studied    under  Pope    Paul  II 

1  Poetices,  34.  2  Pratique  du  Theatre,  194. 

3Eemarques  surle  Cid,  i,  4,  verse  75,  in  Oeuvres  Completes  {Paris,  1784,  69  vols.) 
L,  112. 

*  Hamburg ische  Dramaturgic,  234. 

5Kicardus  Jahnke,  P.  Papinius  Statius,  in,  200,  Leipzig,  1898,  3  vols. 

6Cf.  Bradamanie  (1582),  Aretaphile  (1618)  or  V Indienne  Amoureuse  (1635). 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  23 

(1464-71),  was  played  at  Rome,  and  subsequently  (1487  and 
1491)  at  Ferrara,  and  was  published  at  Venice  in  1472,  1482, 
1495  and  1499. l  It  was  sufficiently  well  known  in  France  and 
Spain  to  be  translated  by  Meschinot  in  1509  and  Villalobos  in 
1515;  it  was  acted,  moreover,  at  several  German  towns  during 
the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century.2  With  the  spread  of  the 
play  came  the  knowledge  of  the  term  tragicomoedia,  which  seems  to 
have  been  looked  upon  by  the  sixteenth  century  playwright  as  a 
classic  label  for  any  dramatic  production  that  bore  a  resemblance, 
however  slight,  to  both  tragedy  and  comedy.  Thus  applied  to 
various  kinds  of  plays  in  France  and  other  European  countries,  it 
did  not  attain  a  fixed  meaning  till  the  beginning  of  the  following 
century.  The  influence  of  the  tragi -comedies  that  sprang  up  after 
this  fashion  in  other  countries,  on  the  development  of  the  genre  in 
France,  must  now  be  discussed. 

III.    The  Relation  of  the  French  Tragi-Comedy  to 
that  of  Other  European  Countries. 

The  French  tragi-comedy  has  been  shown  to  derive  its  leading 
characteristics  from  the  medieval  drama,  just  as  it  takes  its  form 
and  name  from  the  classical  Latin  stage.  These  elements  were 
united  in  French  plays  toward  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century 
after  they  had  given  rise  to  tragi-comedies  in  other  lands.  The 
question  whether  these  older  tragi-comedies  did  not  exert  an  influ- 
ence on  the  development  of  the  genre  in  France  may,  therefore, 
be  aptly  put.  For  the  discussion  of  the  reply  to  this  question,  I 
have  prepared  a  list  of  all  tragi-comedies  that  I  have  been  able  to 
find,  written  before  1582,  the  date  of  the  publication  of  Gamier' s 
Bradamante.  This  play,  although  the  tenth  French  work  called 
tragi-comedy,  has  been  chosen  because  it  gives  a  conspicuous  early 
example  of  the  form  that  the  genre  ultimately  took,  and  because, 
with  its  appearance,  the  tragi-comedy  won  for  itself  so  definite  an 

xCf.  C.  von  Reinhardstottner,  Plautus,  Spcitere  Bearbeitungen,  21,  50,  51,  162;  and 
Brunet,  Manuel,  iv,  705-8. 

2Cf.  Reinhardstottner,  ibidem,  138,  174,  35  seq. 


24  The  French   Tragi-  Comedy : 

existence  that  it  is  idle  to  look  for  forces  that  acted  later  in  the 
creation  of  the  genre.  The  tragi-comedies  are  arranged  according 
to  the  dates  of  their  first  editions ; *  with  the  titles,  names  of 
authors,  places  of  publication,  and  dates  of  reprints  as  late  as 
1582.     This  list  of  tragi-comedies  forms  Appendix  A. 

As  the  three  earliest  tragi-comedies  hold  a  position  chronolo- 
gically detached  from  other  plays  of  this  genre  and  fall  into  no 
group  that  might  be  investigated  as  a  whole,  they  will  be  first 
discussed  in  the  order  in  which  they  were  published.2  The  subse- 
quent plays  will  then  be  treated 3  in  four  groups,  according  to  the 
language  in  which  they  were  composed.  The  order  of  treatment 
will  be  as  nearly  chronological  as  possible,  beginning  with  the 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  plays,  and  following  them  with  those 
written  in  Italian,  in  Latin,  and  in  the  Teutonic  languages. 

A.    The  Earliest  Tragi— Comedies. 

1.  Fernandus  Servatus  (1494),  the  first  tragi-comedy,  was 
written  in  Latin  prose  by  Carlo  Verardi  and  done  into  hexameters 
by  his  nephew,  Marcellino.  The  historical  subject,  the  attempted 
assassination  of  Ferdinand,  King  of  Spain,  by  a  lunatic,  has  been 
altered  for  dramatic  and  religious  purposes.  Tisiphone,  sent  to 
earth  by  Pluto,  induces  Ruifus  to  attempt  the  King's  murder. 
After  he  has  succeeded  only  in  wounding  him,  the  Queen  prays 
for  the  King's  recovery  and  is  comforted  by  Saint  James.  The 
King  then  enters  miraculously  healed  and  the  chorus  commends 
the  example  set  by  the  royal  pair. 

This  slight  production  is  chiefly  interesting  as  showing  the  con- 
tinuation of  medieval  ideas  of  dramatic  composition  despite  the 
introduction  of  certain  classical  names  and  traditions.  The  story 
is  acted  from  the  first  inception  of  the  plot.  The  unity  of  place 
is  lacking,  for  the  scene  is  laid  in  the  infernal  regions  as  well  as 
at  the  court  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  The  strong  religious 
spirit  that  pervades  the  piece  culminates  in  the  appearance  of  Saint 

1  Unless  their  existence  at  an  earlier  date  is  well  established. 

2  Pages  24-27.  3  Pages  27-34. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  25 

James,  and  in  the  King's  miraculous  recovery.  The  classical 
names,  Pluto  and  the  Furies,  are  mere  epithets  attached  to  medie- 
val personages,  in  whose  assembly  Creizenach 1  sees  the  influence 
of  the  plots  laid  by  devils  in  the  medieval  drama.  In  these 
respects  it  shows  resemblances  to  early  French  tragi-coniedies,  to 
which  it  bears  further  resemblance  in  its  serious  subject,  aristo- 
cratic personages,  and  happy  denouement.  The  chief  distinction, 
indeed,  to  be  made  between  it  and  such  a  play  as  Les  Enfants 
dans  la  Fournaise  (1561)  lies  in  the  fact  that  its  subject  is  drawn 
from  contemporary  rather  than  from  biblical  history.  This  varia- 
tion indicates  that  the  author  was  an  innovator,  as  is  shown  by  his 
composing  this  play  and  the  Historia  baetica  in  prose.  The  spirit 
in  which  he  writes  is  evident  from  his  prologue  to  the  latter  play, 
where  he  states  his  opposition  to  the  writers  of  classical  comedy : 

Apporto  non  Plauti,  aut  Naeuii  comoedias, 
Quas  esse  fictas  scitis  omnes  fabulas, 
At  nouam  nobis  verarnque  fero  historian!, 
Per  quam  licebit  nosse,  ut  summi  principes 
Ferdinandus  &  coniunx,  domuerunt  Bseticam 


Praesertim  cum  ulta  hie  tyrannorum  scelera 
Non  sitis  audituri,  aut  fastus  regios, 
Intolerandam  vel  bonis  superbiam, 
Quae  ssepe  describi  solent  tragoediis. 
Neque  audientur  lenonum  hie  periuria, 
Seruorum  technse,  aut  meretricum  blanditia?, 
Auara  non  usquara  lena  hie  inducitur, 
Milesue  gloriosus,  aut  sycophanta  impudens, 
Edaxue  parasitus,  vel  matrona  impudens, 
Paterue  durus,  aut  amator  cupidus, 
Et  reliqua,  quae  in  Graiis  nostrisque  comicis. 
Spectata  praebent  voluptatem  plurimarn. 
Verum  pudica,  honestaque  hie  sunt  omnia. 

Requirat  autem  nullus  hie  comoedise 
Leges  ut  obseruentur,  aut  tragoedise, 
Agenda  nempe  est  historia,  non  fabula.2 

It  was  in  this  reformer's  spirit  that  Verardi  rehabilitated  the 

1  Geschichtc,  n,  9. 

^Ezpugnatio   Begni   Granalce..    Caroli  Verardi   Ccesenatis  in  Historian.   Bwticam. 
Prologus.  Hispanias  Illustratai,  u,  862  (Frankfort,  1603,  4  vols.)- 


26  The  French  Tragi-  Corned y  : 

title,  tragi-comcedia,  and  applied  it  to  the  Renaissance  treatment 
of  a  medieval  play.  As  his  selection  of  a  plot  from  contemporary 
history  was  not  followed  in  France,  he  altered  nothing  in  the 
medieval  essentials  inherited  by  the  tragi-comedy,  simply  showing 
that  it  was  possible  to  treat  them  under  a  more  classical  form. 
In  this  way  he  introduced  the  grafting  of  classical  elements  on  the 
medieval  stem,  and  though  he  did  not  carry  far  this  procedure, 
not  even  dividing  his  play  into  acts  and  scenes,  he  thus  rendered 
an  important  service  to  the  formation  of  the  genre.  That  his  play 
was  known  outside  of  Italy  and  could  consequently  influence  the 
mingling  of  classic  and  medieval  elements  in  other  countries  is 
evidenced  by  its  reprint  at  Strasburg  in  1513. 

2.  Kitzscher's  Profectione  (1501),  the  second  play  to  be  called 
a  tragi-comedy,  was  probably  influenced  by  the  works  of  Verardi, 
as  it  concerned  a  contemporary  event  of  some  importance  and  was 
written  by  a  German  who  had  studied  in  Italy.  Like  the  Historia 
baetica,  too,  it  is  composed  in  Latin  prose  without  divisions  into 
acts  or  scenes,  and  its  author  declares  in  his  prologue  that  it  is  a 
true  history,  neither  tragedy  nor  comedy.  The  play  deals  with 
the  departure  of  the  Duke  of  Pomerania  on  a  pilgrimage  and  the 
lamentations  of  the  duchess  till  she  receives  good  tidings  from  the 
messenger,  who  narrates  at  length  the  incidents  of  the  duke's  jour- 
ney. The  classic  unities  of  place  and  of  action,  if  action  there  be, 
are  here  preserved,  though  the  unity  of  time  is  violated.  Although 
allied  by  aristocratic  personages,  serious  subject,  and  happy  denoue- 
ment with  the  French  tragi-comedy,  it  is  opposed  to  the  latter  in 
the  source  of  its  subject,  which  is  derived  from  contemporary 
history.  The  play  is  too  academic  in  character  to  have  met  with 
great  popularity.  Its  chief  service  seems  to  have  lain  in  introdu- 
cing the  term  tragicocomedia  to  the  German  writers  of  Latin. 

3.  The  Celestina  was  first  called  a  tragi-comedy  in  1502.  Its 
plot  is  too  well  known  to  be  analyzed  here.  The  play  is  a  comedy 
of  manners  with  a  tragic  ending  and  by  no  means  a  tragi-comedy 
in  the  French  sense.  The  following  explanation  has  been  made 
of  the  use  of  the  term  tragieomedia : 

"  Otros  ban  litigado  sobre  el  nombre,  diciendo  que  no  se  habia  de  llamar  comedia, 
pues  acaba  en  tristeza,  sino  que  se  llamase  tragedia.     El  primer  autor  quiso  dar 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  27 

denominacion  del  principio,  que  fue  placer,  6  llamola  coraedia :  yo  viendo  estas 
discordias  entre  estos  estremos,  parti  agora  por  medio  la  porfia,  e  llamola  Iragi- 
comedia."  1 

As  the  unhappy  ending,  which  suggests  the  first  part  of  this 
compound  term,  does  not  occur  in  the  French  tragi-comedy,  the 
Celestina  does  not  seem  to  have  aided  in  the  creation  of  the  genre 
as  known  in  France.  On  account  of  its  great  length,  it  was 
probably  not  considered  a  dramatic  work  at  all,  but  a  prose  romance 
of  daily  life.  The  only  service  this  work  rendered  the  tragi-comedy 
was  that  of  spreading  its  name  through  the  various  coun tries  of 
Europe  in  which  the  euormous  popularity  of  the  Celestina  caused 
it  to  be  repeatedly  translated  or  reprinted. 

It  is  in  this  spreading  of  the  name  of  the  new  genre,  indeed, 
that  lies  the  importance  of  these  early  tragi-comedies.  They  did 
not  affect  the  matter  of  the  medieval  drama,  nor  did  they  show  the 
classical  form  of  the  fully  developed  French  tragi-comedy.  What 
they  brought  about  was  the  use  of  the  genre  name  and  the  begin- 
ning of  tendencies  that  resulted  in  the  application  of  a  classical 
form  to  the  French  tragi-comedy. 

B.    Non-French  Tragi- Comedies  from  1513  to  1582. 

A  glance  at  the  list  of  tragi-comedies  given  in  Appendix  A 
shows  that: 

1.  Eleven  were  written  in  Spanish  and  Portuguese  between 
1513  and  1542.  The  earliest  nine  of  these  were  the  work  of  Gil 
Vicente,  one  of  the  first  European  dramatists  to  modernize  the 
medieval  drama.  Most  of  his  tragicomedias  are  in  the  nature  of 
Festspiele,  courtly  productions  of  an  allegorical  aud  mythological 
nature,  that  show  a  robuster  tone  in  the  introduction  of  well-drawn 
personages  from  the  lower  walks  of  life.  They  are  mostly  slight 
compositions,  a  kind  of  interlude  without  divisions  into  acts  and 
scenes. 

Two  of  them,  however,  Dom  Duardos  and  Amadis  de  Gaula, 
bear   striking  resemblance  to  the    French  tragi-comedy   in  their 

1In  the  author's  prologue,  Biblioteca  de  Autores  espanoles,  in,  12. 


28  The  French  Tragi- Comedy: 

romanesque  subjects,  derived  from  chivalric  romances,  their  con- 
struction, termination,  personages,  and  comic  elements.  They 
differ  from  the  French  species,  indeed,  only  on  the  formal  side,  for 
the  divisions  into  acts  and  scenes  is  not  made,  and  the  verse  form 
is  much  more  lyric  than  that  of  the  French  genre.  These  two 
plays,  written,  with  the  exception  of  stage  directions,  entirely  in 
Spanish,  seem  to  be  the  forerunners  of  the  later  comedia.  We 
have  no  evidence  that  they  exerted  any  influence  in  France,  as 
there  is  no  indication  of  a  knowledge  of  Vicente's  work  in  that 
country.  In  a  consideration  of  the  French  tragi-comedy,  however, 
his  drama  is  of  interest,  as  it  exemplifies  the  fact  that  similar 
medieval  and  classical  influences  at  work  in  France  and  Portugal 
produced  plays  of  much  the  same  kind. 

The  two  tragi-comedies  by  Spaniards  are  of  less  interest.  The 
Tragicomedia  alegorica  del  Paraiso  y  del  injierno  is  an  allegorical 
play  of  medieval  spirit  imitated  from  an  auto  by  Gil  Vicente ; 
the  Lysandro  y  Roselia  is  a  prose  continuation  of  the  Celestina. 
Neither  of  these  works  appears  to  have  exerted  any  influence  on 
the  French  tragi-comedy,  nor  do  they  offer  examples  of  parallel 
development,  as  was  the  case  with  the  work  of  Gil  Vicente  and 
as  will  be  found  true  of  the  Italian  tragi-comedy,  to  which  atten- 
tion must  now  be  paid. 

2.  The  first  Italian  tragicommedia,  the  Cecaria,  is  a  pastoral 
drama  on  the  recovery  of  three  men,  struck  blind  by  love.  The 
name  dialogo,  applied  to  the  early  editions  of  it,  might  well  have 
been  retained.  It  is  by  no  means  a  tragi-comedy  in  the  French 
sense  of  this  term,  yet  this  is  the  only  Italian  tragi-comedy  com- 
posed before  1582  that  was  translated  into  French  as  a  tragi- 
comedie.     It  so  appeared  in  1594  as  Les  Aveugles. 

La  Potenza  d'Amore  relates  an  unsuccessful  lover's  attempt  at 
suicide.  The  leading  personages  appear  to  be  bourgeois.  Minor 
roles  are  played  by  Pedante,  Zani,  and  Collubrino,  a  magician. 
The  play  is  a  comedy  of  manners  rather  than  a  tragi-comedy  in 
the  French  sense. 

The  greater  number  of  early  Italian  tragi-comedies  are  based 
on  classical  narratives.  Apollo  e  Leucotoe,  II  Ratio  d' Helena,  and 
II  Giudizio  di  Paride  speak  for  themselves.     La  Cangenia  may 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  29 

be  added  to  these,  as  in  it  the  author  treats  the  conflict  between 
the  Carthaginians  and  the  Romans.  Now,  had  these  plays  influ- 
enced the  French  genre,  it  is  impossible  that  the  classical  subject 
would  not  have  been  employed  there  as  well.  In  reality,  however, 
the  first  French  tragi-comedies  that  show  plots  derived  from  class- 
ical authors  were  written  by  Hardy  fifty  years  later.1 

The  only  Italian  tragi-comedy,  in  fact  that  is  similar  to  the 
French  form  of  the  genre  is  the  Quintilia  (1567),  a  play  which  is 
romanesque  in  its  love  intrigue  and  in  the  discovery  by  a  father  of 
a  long  lost  son ;  aristocratic  in  its  personages,  who  belong  to  the 
court  of  Sicily,  where  the  spectator  is  introduced  by  the  ghost  of 
the  king;  serious  in  the  main,  but  comic  in  such  subordinate 
characters  as  Trulla,  the  court  buffoon,  and  Gallofria  with  his 
Bergamasco  dialect.  The  play  comes,  however,  rather  late  to 
influence  the  French  tragi-comedy  in  its  origin,  for  not  only  had 
the  genre  name  appeared  in  France  four  times  before  the  Quintilia 
was  published,  but  one  of  the  plays  to  which  the  name  was  applied 
belongs  to  the  romanesque  type  of  tragi-comedy,  typified  by  the 
Italian  play,  and  it  was  acted  as  early  as  1564.  There  is,  more- 
over, no  evidence  that  the  Quintilia  was  known  in  France  during 
the  formative  period  of  the  tragi-comedy.  One  sees  here  another 
example  of  parallel  and  independent  development  already  noted  in 
the  two  dramas  of  Gil  Vicente.2 

While  the  Italian  tragi-comedy  had  no  influence  on  the  French 
play  of  the  same  genre  name,  an  Italian  comedy,  the  Amor 
costante  (1540)  by  Alessandro  Piccolomini  is  the  source  of  Lueelle 
tragi-comedie  de  Louis  Le  Jars  (1576).  The  latter  play  is  however, 
an  exceptional  variety  of  tragi-comedy,3  nearly  approaching  the 
comedie  bourgeoise,  and  has  small  influence  on  other  members  of 
the  genre.  It  shows  the  qualities  that  would  have  belonged  to  the 
tragi-comedy,  had  that  form  of  the  drama  originated  in  Italian 
plays  of  the  Renaissance  rather  than  in  the  products  of  the  medie- 
val stage. 

1Procris  and  Alceste,  for  example. 

2  See  above,  page  27. 

3  See  below,  page  62. 


30  The  French   Tragi- Comedy  : 

Italian  influence  is  exerted  on  the  Bradamante  (1582)  and  the 
lost  Genievre  (1564),  tragi-comedies  that  derive  their  plots  from 
the  Orlando  Fwrioso.  As  Gamier  is  known  to  have  drawn  his 
play  directly  from  Ariosto,  and  as  the  author  of  Genievre  seems  to 
have  done  the  same  thing,  there  is  no  influence  of  the  Italian 
drama  on  these  plays,  which  followed  their  epic  source,  as  the 
medieval  mystere  followed  the  Bible  or  a  roman  d'aventure.  One 
sees  here  the  same  phenomenon  that  he  observes  in  regard  to  the 
Spanish  influence  on  the  French  drama.  Just  as  the  novelas  of 
Cervantes  furnished  plots  to  Hardy  in  the  first  years  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  while  the  influence  of  the  Spanish  drama  did  not 
begin  before  the  appearance  of  Rotrou' s  Bague  d'Oubli  (1628),1 
so  the  Orlando  Furioso  furnished  plots  for  French  tragi-comedies 
of  1564  and  1582,  when  the  Italian  tragi-comedy  was  unknown 
in  France. 

Italian  dramatic  influence  was  of  another  sort,  being  exerted  on 
the  comedy  and  the  pastoral.  The  strolling  Italian  comedians, 
who  played  farces  and  other  pieces  of  a  light  order,  apparently 
did  not  indulge  in  the  more  serious  tragi-comedy.  The  pastoral 
and  its  allied  form,  the  tragi-comedie  pastorale,  came  later  in  the 
wake  of  the  Aminta  (1580)  and  the  Pastor  fido  (1590).  These 
forms  were  too  late  to  influence  the  formation  of  the  French  tragi- 
comedy, which  seems,  on  the  other  hand,  to  have  been  one  of  the 
formative  forces  in  the  tragi-comedie  pastorale.  This  latter  genre 
however,  is  but  a  variety  of  the  pastoral  and  consequently  lies 
outside  the  scope  of  this  dissertation.2 

The  early  Italian  tragi-comedy,  like  that  of  Gil  Vicente,  offers 
a  parallel  to  the  French,  while  exerting  no  influence  upon  it.  All 
three  kinds  are  medieval  products,  modernized  by  a  classical 
influence  that  is  particularly  noticeable  in  Italy.  Somewhat  differ- 
ent is  the  influence  of  the  Latin  tragi-comedy,  which,  as  next  in 
chronological  order,  must  now  be  considered. 

3.  One  of  the  chief  sixteenth  century  forms  of  the  French 
tragi-comedy  is  that  which  clothes  in  a  largely  classical  form  a 

1Cf.  Martinenche,  La  Comedia  espagnole,  167. 
*  Cf.  Marsan,  La  Pastorale  Dramatique,  402-18. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  31 

plot  derived  from  the  biblical  narrative.  Iu  the  tragi-coinedies 
of  which  the  subject  is  known,  are  told  the  stories  of  the  sacrifice 
of  Isaac,  the  three  children  in  the  fiery  furnace,  Tobit,  Jacob, 
Jokebed,  and  Job.  As  these  accounts  had  furnished  plots  to 
medieval  French  dramatists,  the  sixteenth  century  writers  of 
tragi-comedies  may  have  reworked  them  in  classical  form  with- 
out other  influence.  As,  however,  the  Latin  Renaissance  drama, 
especially  of  countries  to  the  east  of  France,  exhibits  the  same 
or  similar  biblical  plots  with  classical  form  and  frequently  with 
tragi-comic  title,  it  seems  probable  that  the  Latin  Renaissance 
drama  exerted  an  influence  on  this  form  of  the  French  tragi- 
comedy in  teaching  its  authors  the  application  of  a  classical  form 
to  a  medieval  drama. 

The  school  of  Latin  dramas,  just  referred  to,  began  with  the 
Acolastus  of  Gnaphaeus  in  1529  and  spread  through  much  of 
Western  Europe.  The  plays  are  called  indiscriminately  come- 
dia,  tragedia,  historia,  tragicoeomedia,  drama  comieotragicum,  etc. 
Comedia  is  the  most  usual  term  employed ;  tragedia  is  ordinarily 
applied  to  a  play  that  ends  unhappily  ;  the  other  terms  are  used 
with  little  discrimination,  except  that  they  are  commonly  char- 
acterized by  a  happy  denouement.  The  plays  are  medieval  in 
their  violation  of  the  unities,  religious  spirit,  and  comic  elements, 
while  in  their  form,  title,  and  style  they  show  the  effects  of 
classical  imitation.  Written  chiefly  in  the  Rhine  valley,  Bavaria, 
and  Belgium,  they  were  published  largely  at  Bale,  Augsburg, 
Cologne,  and  Antwerp,  whence  they  inspired  productions  in 
France,  England,  and  Portugal.  In  the  first  of  these  countries 
they  were  followed  by  a  number  of  plays  called  tragedies,  tragi- 
comedies, and,  rarely,  comedies.  A  number  of  examples  can  be 
cited  to  indicate  the  similarity  of  subject  between  the  Latin  and 
French  plays  and  their  indiscriminate  use  of  genre  name. 

The  sacrifice  of  Isaac  was  dramatized  by  Ziegler  in  1543 
without  name  of  genre1  and  by  Philicinus  in  1546  as  a  Dialogus.1 
Beza  in  1551  wrote  of  his  Abraham  sacrifiant:  "Pour  venir  a 
1' argument  que  je  traite,  il  tient  de  la  tragedie  et  de  la  comedie, 

1  Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  n,  137. 


32  The  French  Tragi-Comedy : 

et  pour  cela  ay  separe  le  prologue  et  divise  le  tout  en  pauses  a,  la 
facon  des  actes  des  comedies,  sans  toutefois  m'y  assujettir.  .  .  . 
Et  parce  qu'il  tient  plus  de  l'un  que  de  l'autre  j'ay  mieux  ainsi 
l'appeler  tragedie."  l  In  1588  a  tragi-comedy  was  given  at 
Montbeliard  "  en  laquelle  figure  l'histoire  des  deux  grieves  tenta- 
tions  desquelles  le  patriarche  Abraham  a  ete  exerce."  2 

Again,  Schoepper  called  his  Monomachia  Davidis  et  Goliae  a 
tragicocomoedia,z  Desmazures  styled  David  combattant,  which 
treats  the  same  subject,  a  tragedie  saincte*  Judith  is  the  heroine 
of  a  drama  comicotragicum  by  Betulius 5  and  of  a  tragedie  sacre"e 
by  Pierre  Heyns.6  The  latter  author  tells  the  story  of  Moses' 
rescue  from  amid  the  bulrushes  in  a  tragi-come'die,  an  event 
which  forms  part  of  the  Exodus,  comcedia  tragica  by  Lauri- 
manus.7  Susanna,  heroine  of  a  number  of  Latin  plays,  will 
be  noted 7  as  furnishing  the  title  to  Betulius's  Comcedia  Tragica 
and  to  Godran's  Susannae  Helchiae  filiae  tragica  comcedia.7  The 
latter  is  particularly  important,  as  it  was  written  by  a  French- 
man and  published  at  Dijon.  Furthermore,  Tobie,  the  tragi- 
comedy composed  by  Mile  des  Roches  and  Jacques  Ouyn,  treats 
the  same  subject  as  Tobias,  Comcedia  sacra  by  Laurimanus.8 
The  Tragicomcedia  ex  Daniele  prophetd7  has  the  same  source 
as  the  Tragi-comedie.  V  Argument  pris  du  troisieme  chapitre  de 
Daniel.9 

These  and  other  examples  that  can  be  cited  show  the  indis- 
criminate method  of  genre  classification  and  the  similarity  of 
subjects  treated  in  Latin  and  French.  The  plays  are  important 
as  giving  early  examples  of  the  fusion  of  medieval  dramatic 
material  with  classical  dramatic  form,  a  phenomenon  that  is 
characteristic  of  the  French  tragi-comedy.  Violation  of  the 
unities,  biblical  plot,  happy  denouement,  comic  elements,  mingling 

1  Lanson,  Revue  d'hist.  litt.,  xi,  579. 

2  See  below,  page  57.  3  See  Appendix  A. 

4  La  Valliere,  Bibliotheque  du  Thedtrefrancois,  I,  181. 

5  See  Appendix  A. 

8  Le  Miroir  des  Vefves,  Tragedie  sacree  d'Holoferne  et  Iudith,  Amsterdam,  1596. 

7  See  Appendix  A. 

8Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  139.  9  See  below,  page  49. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  33 

of  persons  of  various  ranks,  classical  division  into  acts  and  scenes, 
and  classical  genre  name  are  found  in  both  cases.  The  biblical 
drama  is,  indeed,  practically  the  same,  whether  written  in  Latin 
or  French,  except  that  the  latter  has  a  greater  popularity  by 
reason  of  its  use  of  the  vernacular.  In  this  respect,  therefore, 
the  biblical  Latin  drama  differs  from  the  Italian,  Spanish,  and 
Portuguese  tragi-comedy,  with  the  exception  of  Celestina,  for, 
while  the  latter  shows  no  influence  on  the  French  genre,  the  former 
has  aided  in  the  creation  of  one  branch  of  it  and  has  given  to  the 
whole  the  name  it  derived  from  the  works  of  Verardi,  Kitzscher, 
and,  possibly,  Rojas. 

This  statement  cannot,  however,  be  applied  to  all  the  Latin 
dramas  of  the  period,  for  the  Latin  biblical  tragi-comedies  of 
Portugal  and  the  Latin  tragi-comedies  of  non-biblical  plot  show 
no  influence  upon  the  French  genre.  Of  the  four  plays  belonging 
to  the  latter  class  that  will  be  mentioned  below,1  the  Voluptatis  ae 
virtutis  pugna  seems  an  echo  of  the  medieval  morality  on  the  war 
of  the  virtues  and  vices,  the  Hypocrisis  and  Inelyta  Aeneis  are 
classical,  in  plot,  while  the  Ecdesia  Militans  is  a  priestly  treatise 
on  the  history  of  the  Catholic  church.  The  Portuguese  Latin 
drama  seems  too  remote  to  have  influenced  the  French  stage,  with 
which,  furthermore,  most  of  its  biblical  plays  are  contemporary. 
The  subjects  treated  by  the  Portuguese,  Josephus,  Prodigus, 
Sedeeias,  Golias,  are  the  same  as  those  already  found  further  north. 
In  Portugal,  however,  despite  the  early  spontaneous  productions 
of  Gil  Vicente,  the  tragicomedia  assumes  an  especially  classical 
meaning,  furnishing  the  chief  name  to  the  drama  which  the  Jesuits 
opposed  to  the  more  natural  work  of  Vicente  and  his  followers. 
Here,  perhaps,  as  in  the  neighboring  University  of  Salamanca, 
the  term  was  practically  the  equivalent  of  tragedia.2  At  any 
rate,  there  is  no  evidence  of  its  influence  in  France. 

4.    The  tragi-comedy  written  in  Teutonic  languages  appeared 

1  Pages  87,  92,  93. 

2Vidal  y  Diaz,  Memoria  historica  de  la  Universidad  de  Salamanca,  69  (Salamanca, 
1869):  "Cada  afio  se  representara  una  comedia  de  Plauto  o  Terencio  o  tragi- 
ccmiedia  .  .  .  .  las  dichas  comedias  o  tragedias."     Cf.  Creizenach,   Gesckichle,  II,  79. 


34  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

too  late  to  influence  the  formation  of  the  genre  in  France.  This 
is  particularly  true  of  the  Danish  play,  Susanna  of  1579.1  Of 
German  plays  of  the  period  treated  (1513-82),  I  have  found  the 
term  only  in  Valentin  Boltz's  Tragicomoedia  Sant  Pauls  bekerung 
(1546)  *  and  in  Hederich's  David  und  .  .  .  Absolon  (1567).1  It 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  in  general  use  till  much  later,  for, 
even  in  1592  it  has  to  be  translated  by  Hoius  when  he  writes, 
Tragicocomosdia  Actapostolica,  Das  ist:  Die  Historie  der  heiligen 
Aposteln  Geschicht.2  This  term,  historie,  is  applied  to  the  German 
versions  of  Sixtus  Betulius's  Susanna  and  Judith.3  It  is,  indeed, 
only  by  the  Susanna  and  other  Latin  reworkings  of  German  plays 
that  any  influence  came  to  the  French  tragi-comedy  from  plays 
written  in  the  German  language.4 

Not  only  do  the  English  tragi-comedies  come  too  late  to  influ- 
ence the  French,  but  two  of  the  three  examples  mentioned  below 5 
are  essentially  opposed  to  the  French  conception  of  the  genre.6 
Appius  and  Virginia  is  a  tragedy,  The  Glasse  of  Gouernement  a 
belated  morality  that  inclines  toward  the  bourgeois  comedy. 
Damon  and  Pithias,  on  the  other  hand,  resembles  closely  the  French 
genre,  in  which  Chappuzeau  wrote  (1656)  a  Damon  et  Pythias 
ou  les  parfaits  amis.  There  is  no  further  evidence,  however,  of  a 
knowledge  of  the  English  play  in  France  and,  as  the  French  play 
on  the  same  subject  appeared  a  century  after  the  formation  of  the 
genre,  it  must  be  concluded  that  there  is  here,  as  in  the  case  of 
Italian  and  Portuguese  plays,  merely  another  interesting  example 
of  independent  developments,  in  which  like  causes  have  produced 
like  effects. 

To  sum  up  briefly  the  matter  of  the  relations  between  the 
French  tragi-comedy  and  that  of  other  European  nations,  the 
following  statements  are  made  : 

1  See  Appendix  A. 

3  See  Geodeke,  Grundrisz,  n,  385.  3  Ibidem,  345. 

4  It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Judith,  the  Latin 
is  often  the  original  version. 

5  See  Appendix  A. 

6 Sir  Philip  Sidney  considers  the  genre  as  "mingling  Kings  and  Clownes,"  in 
which  the  authors  "match  Horn-pypes  and  Funeralls."  Apologiefor  Poetrie,  65, 
Arber's  Reprints,  n,  London,  1868. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  35 

1.  The  only  foreign  dramatic  influence  since  classical  times 
that  has  affected  the  formation  of  the  French  tragi-comedy  is  that 
of  the  Latin  biblical  drama  of  Germany,  Switzerland  and  the 
Netherlands.  This  influence  is  directly  exerted  only  on  French 
plays  with  biblical  plots,  and  is  not  to  be  compared  in  impor- 
tance with  the  influence  of  the  medieval  or  classical  drama,  as  it 
serves  only  to  unite  the  elements  already  existing  in  them  and  to 
transmit  these  united  elements  to  a  part  of  the  French  tragi- 
comedy. 

2.  The  tragi-comedies  of  the  Spanish  Peninsula,  Italy,  and 
England  differ  decidedly  from  those  of  France  in  most  cases. 
Dom  Duardos,  Amadis  de  Gaula,  Quintilia  and  Damon  and 
Pithias,  however,  offer  close  resemblances  to  the  romanesque  type 
of  French  tragi-comedy,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  they  influ- 
enced its  formation. 

3.  The  name,  tragi-comosdia,  taken  from  the  prologue  of  Plau- 
tus's  Amphitruo  and  first  applied  to  a  play  by  Verardi,  spread  to 
France  and  other  European  countries  through  these  two  works, 
Kitzscher's  Profectione,  and  Rojas's  Celestina.  The  Latin  drama 
of  Germany,  Switzerland,  and  the  Netherlands  aided  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  name  into  France. 

In  the  latter  country  the  title  tragi-comedie  was  applied  to  a 
number  of  literary  dramatic  kinds,  of  which  the  origin  went  back 
to  the  medieval,  the  form  to  the  classical  drama.  They  represented 
the  morality,  farce,  biblical  mystery,  and  romanesque  mystery. 
These  varieties  existed  side  by  side  until,  under  Alexandre  Hardy, 
the  romanesque  tragi-comedy  became  the  definitive  form  assumed 
by  the  genre.  It  will  be  the  object  of  the  next  chapter  to  trace 
the  history  of  the  tragi-comedy  during  this  period  of  hesitation, 
which  lasted  throughout  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century. 


36  The  French  Tragi- Comedy . 


CHAPTER   II. 
THE  FRENCH  TRAGI-COMEDY  OF  THE  XVI  CENTURY. 

An  examination  of  plays  written  in  France  during  the  latter 
half  of  the  sixteenth  century  makes  it  clear,  that  the  term  tragi- 
comedie  could  at  that  time  be  applied  to  almost  any  survival  of 
the  medieval  stage  which  showed  a  happy  denouement  and  a  form 
that  was  at  least  partially  classic.  It  indicated  the  moralite"  of 
social  or  political  tendency,  the  mystere,  represented  by  plays  of 
biblical  or  romanesque  plot,  and  occasionally  even  the  farce.1  Not 
until  the  time  of  Alexandre  Hardy  (1593-1631)  did  any  one  of 
these  forms  become  sufficiently  predominant  to  be  considered  the 
typical  tragi-comedy.  With  him,  indeed,  the  romanesque  play 
attained  so  large  usage  that  other  seventeenth  century  forms  of 
the  genre  may  be  regarded  as  mere  reversions  to  obsolete  types, 
created  by  authors  unable  to  keep  abreast  of  the  times.  But 
during  the  half-century  before  Hardy,  the  tragi-comedy  passed 
through  its  formative  period,  when  the  various  medieval  genres 
represented  by  it  were  acquiring  a  more  artistic  form  and  content, 
and  the  public  was  becoming  accustomed  to  the  use  of  the  new 
name.  Limited  to  this  period  of  development,  the  present  chapter 
deals  with  plays  written  between  1552  and  1600,  the  date  of  the 
first  French  tragi-comedy  and  the  approximate  date  of  Hardy's 
first  extant  play.2 

The  list  of  plays  in  Appendix  B,  I  (page  108  below)  gives  the 
French  tragi-comedies  in  the  order  of  their  appearance  during  the 

1  Examples  of  the  miracle,  called  tragi-comedy,  occur  at  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century. 

2  Rigal  in  Alexandre  Hardy,  77,  shows  that  Theagene  et  Cariclee,  Hardy's  first 
extant  play,  was  written  after  1593  and  before  1601.  As  the  year  1600  falls 
between  these  dates,  it  forms  a  convenient,  if  necessarily  inexact  limit  to  the 
formative  period  of  the  tragi-comedy.  It  may  be  added  that  none  of  the  plays 
treated  in  this  chapter  evidence  influence  from  Hardy's  work. 


Its  Oi'igin  and  Development.  37 

sixteenth  century.  The  titles,  forms,  and  authorships  of  the  plays 
are  stated,  with  the  places  and  dates  of  their  representation  and 
the  names  of  the  persons  to  whom  they  are  dedicated.  I  have 
also  indicated,  in  foot-notes,  references  to  them  that  are  found  in 
catalogues  of  plays  and,  where  such  exist,  more  recent  critical 
opinions  concerning  them.  With  the  exception  of  La  Valliere's 
BibliothZque  and  the  works  of  Brunet  and  Soleinne,  these  catalogues 
are  so  exceedingly  unreliable  that  they  have  been  consulted  with 
the  greatest  caution. 

These  plays  may  be  conveniently  classified  according  to  their 
resemblance  to  (1)  the  moralite,  (2)  the  mystere  of  biblical  plot, 
(3)  the  mystere  of  romanesque  plot,  (4)  the  farce,  (5)  the  pastoral 
and  foreign  play.  The  first  three  groups  contain  the  great 
majority  of  the  tragi-comedies  written  during  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury ;  the  fourth  is  of  small  importance ;  while  the  fifth,  largely 
composed  of  translations,  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  history  of 
the  genre.     I  shall  discuss  the  five  classes  in  the  order  given. 

I.    The  Moralite  as  Tragi-Comedy. 

The  Tragique  Comedie  Francoise  de  Vhomme  iustifie  par  Foy  is  a 
theological  moralite,  in  which  Henry  de  Barran,  a  Huguenot  pas- 
tor of  B6arn,  preaches  the  Calvinistic  dogma  of  Justification  by 
Faith.  In  spirit  it  is  like  such  other  Protestant  moralites  as 
UAfflige,  Aucun,  U  Homme  fragile,  and  La  Maladie  de  Chrestiente.1 
After  expressing  contempt  for  those  who  seek  to  please  an  audience 
by  farcical  representations,  the  author  explains  in  his  prologue  the 
didactic  principles  of  his  own  composition.  "  Ie  n'ay  fait  autre 
chose  que  prendre  les  sentences  de  la  sainte  Escriture,  sur  lesquelles 
ceste  doctrine  [Justification  by  Faith]  est  fondee,  et  les  mettre  par 
tel  ordre  en  vers  francois,  sachant  que  ceste  maniere  de  composer 
n'est  pas  indigne  de  l'Escriture  sainte,  attendu  que  quelque  partie 
d'icelle  y  a  este  composee.  Bien  est  vray,  que  ie  n'ay  eu  si  grand 
soucy  de  la  propriety  et  perfection  de  ceste  Rithme  (ce  que  assez 
monstre  le  bas  stile  de  mon  escriture)  que  de  la  verite  de  la  doc- 

1  Petit  de  Julleville,  Repertoire,  32,  37,  67,  79. 


38  Ihe  French  Tragi-  Comedy : 

trine  laquelle  est  Crestienne  et  non  poetique,  conime  aussi  ie  ne  suis 
point  Poete."  As  might  be  expected  from  this  declaration,  the 
production  is  more  appropriate  to  the  pulpit  than  to  the  stage. 

The  personages,  La  Loy,  U esprit  de  Crainte,  Satan,  Peche,  La 
Mort,  Concupiscence,  U Homme,  Rabby,  Paid,  Foy,  and  Grace,  are 
all  abstractions  or  types.  Paul  represents  the  Protestant,  Rabby 
the  Catholic  preacher,  but  slightly  disguised  by  their  biblical  cos- 
tuming. In  the  first  act  L'esprit  de  Crainte,  sent  by  La  Loy, 
seeks  to  win  H  Homme  against  Concupiscence,  Peche,  and  La  Mort, 
children  of  Satan.  V Homme  decides  to  cast  in  his  lot  with  the 
latter,  despite  the  warnings  of  Rabby  and  Paul,  who  here  work 
together,  though  they  use  different  methods  according  to  their 
respective  adherence  to  La  Loy  and  Foy.  The  nature  of  the 
struggle  is  shown  in  the  following  lines  : 

' '  Paul  parle  a  1'  Homme  : 

Enten,  amy,  Dieu  a  soucy 

De  toy,  et  t'aime  grandement : 

Cesse  done  toy  pareillement 

D'estre  enuers  luy  mal-gracieux. 
Satan  .  O  L'heretique  ingenieux  ! 

Qu'  a  cent  diables  soit  le  merchant : 

De  cestuy  faut  craindre  le  chant, 

Tant  doux  et  tant  melodieux. 
Concupiscence  :  Ie  luy  rendray  si  odieux, 

Que  luy  feray  abandonner. 
(A  1' Homme)  Si  tu  te  veux  plaisir  donner 

N' enten  a  ce  fallacieux. 
L' Homme  a  Paul :      Laissons  ce  Dieu  la-haut  es  cieux."  1 

The  last  line  is  repeated  in  reply  to  remarks  from  the  two 
preachers.     The  act  ends  with  the  victory  of  Concupiscence. 

Paul  and  Rabby  return,  however,  in  the  second  act  and  persuade 
L' Homme  to  accompany  them.  After  they  have  seen  him  fright- 
ened by  La  Loy  and  IJ esprit  de  Crainte  and  beaten  into  confession 
by  PecM  and  La  Mort,  they  vie  with  each  other  in  their  efforts  to 
show  him  the  proper  method  of  salvation.  The  contest  results  in 
the  victory  of  Rabby,  who  leads  JJ Homme  before  La  Loy.  The 
consequences  of  this  action  are  seen  in  the  third  act,  when  U Homme 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  39 

is  overwhelmed  by  the  difficulties  of  obeying  La  Loy  till  Rabby 
covers  her  face,  to  the  satisfaction  of  IJ  Homme  and  Satan.  The 
former,  under  the  tutelage  of  Rabby,   now  becomes  a  finished 

Pharisee. 

"I'y  vueil  porter  f ranges  bien  amples, 
Auec  philacteres  fort  grans."  ' 

He  secretly  receives  Concupiscence,  while  Paul  soliloquizes  on 
the  evil  effects  of  hypocritical  preaching. 

In  the  fourth  act,  Paul  and  Rabby  renew  their  dispute,  which 
is  ended  by  the  former's  unveiling  La  Loy  and  thus  forcing 
L'Homme  to  confess  his  sins.  Attacked  by  Peclie  and  La  Mort, 
I? Homme  is  now  abandoned  by  Rabby,  and  rescued  by  Paul  from 
a  meditated  suicide.  The  act  closes  with  a  revelation  of  Foy  and 
Grace.  Though  the  play  might  well  end  here,  it  is  continued  by 
a  fifth  act  in  which  Paul,  Grace,  and  La  Loy  hold  a  theological 
debate,  after  which  L'Homme  is  assured  of  his  ultimate  salvation. 
A  needless  conclusion  is  added  to  point  the  moral. 

In  the  course  of  this  play,  five  actions,  resulting  from  the  efforts 
of  Satan,  La  Loy,  Foy,  and  their  adherents  to  obtain  possession  of 
L'Homme,  are  successively  presented.  The  first  act  recounts  the 
preliminary  victory  of  Satan  over  La  Loy  and  Foy ;  the  first  four 
scenes  of  the  second  set  forth  the  victory  of  La  Loy  and  Foy  over 
Satan.  Concerned  in  neither  of  these  contests  to  a  large  extent, 
Foy  is  next  defeated  in  the  person  of  Paul,  by  La  Loy,  represented 
by  Rabby.  Then  comes  the  ultimate  defeat  of  La  Loy  by  Satan 
through  the  hypocrisy  of  Rabby  and  the  final  victory  of  Foy,  which 
frees  L  Homme  from  the  infernal  powers.  There  is,  therefore,  no 
unity  of  action  in  the  classical  sense.  The  two  other  unities  also 
appear  to  be  violated,  though  there  are  no  definite  statements  as  to 
the  place  and  time  of  the  action.  The  play  is  held  together,  on 
the  other  hand,  by  a  unity  of  interest  in  the  final  salvation  of 
L'Homme. 

The  fact  that  the  subject  is  here  taken  from  the  New  Testament 
is  kept  constantly  before  the  reader,  not  only  by  translations  of 
biblical  passages,  but  by  marginal  references  to  the  chapters  and 

1  in,  5. 


40  The  French  Tragi-  Comedy : 

verses  in  which  they  are  to  be  found.  The  thoroughly  didactic 
treatment,  which  finds  expression  in  prosaic  monologues  or 
lengthy  debates,  is  lightened  by  no  appeal  to  the  spectator's 
imagination.  The  personages  are  the  purest  abstractions,  repre- 
senting the  powers  of  good  and  evil,  busy  with  the  fate  of 
L' Homme.  The  latter,  a  colorless  personality  who  changes  beliefs 
and  desires  at  every  fresh  encounter,  may  please  the  theologian, 
but  makes  no  appeal  to  an  audience.  It  is  difficult,  indeed,  to 
find  anything  here  in  the  presentation  that  is  apt  to  interest  the 
spectator  in  the  fate  of  the  protagonist  or  the  method  by  which 
his  salvation  is  accomplished. 

That  the  writer  is  not  entirely  devoid  of  dramatic  talent,  how- 
ever, is  shown  by  his  keeping  the  various  details  of  the  plot 
constantly  before  the  spectator.  Thus,  Paul  is  introduced  into 
the  first  act  and  is  assigned  a  monologue  in  the  fourth  scene  of 
the  third,  although  he  has  little  to  do  with  the  contest  between 
La  Loy  and  the  agents  of  Satan,  which  contest  forms  the  principal 
motif  of  these  acts.  Had  he  been  first  presented  in  the  fourth  act, 
his  role  would  have  been  that  of  a  deus  ex  machind,  instead  of 
forming  an  integral  part  of  the  play. 

The  Tragicomedie,  La  Gaule,  is  a  moralite  of  another  sort, 
appealing  to  the  spectator's  love  of  country  rather  than  to  his 
hope  of  salvation.  Political  subjects  had  already  been  treated  in 
moralites,  notably  in  Le  Nouveau  Monde,  Lapaix  de  Peronne,  and 
Le  concile  de  Basle,1  of  which  the  last-named  introduced  France 
into  its  plot,  just  as  the  play  here  under  discussion  concerns  La 
Gaule.  The  three  estates,  which  take  part  in  the  latter  play,  are 
found  in  other  moralites ;  as,  L'Eglise  Noblesse  et  Povrete,  Le 
Ministre  de  VEglise  Noblesse  le  Laboureur  e  Commun,  and  Tout  le 
Monde,2  besides  the  Tragedie  sur  la  defaite  et  occision  de  la  Piaffe  et 
de  la  Picquoree.3  La  Gaule  may  be  further  compared  with  the 
fragmentary  moralite  sur  la  France,4  which  resembles  it  in  form  as 
well  as  in  subject,  for  it  is  written  in  Alexandrines  and  divided 
into  acts. 

1  Petit  de  Julleville,  Repertoire,  87,  89,  46.  2  Ibidem,  55,  84,  99. 

3  Paris,  1579.     Cf.  La  Valliere,  i,  158. 

4  Bibliotheque  Rationale,  mss.  fr.,  25468. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  41 

Although  La  Gaule  was  recommended  by  Paulin  Paris  to 
"ceuxqui  recherchent  les  origines  du  theatre  moderne,"  '  it  has 
been  neglected  in  critical  studies  of  the  period  to  which  it  belongs. 
As  the  first  tragi-comedy  written  in  Alexandrines  and  alternating 
masculine  and  feminine  rimes,  it  furnishes  an  interesting  example 
of  the  presentation  of  medieval  matter  in  classical  attire.  The 
supposed  rescue  of  La  Gaule  from  her  many  woes  by  the  prowess 
of  Charles  IX  constitutes  the  subject,  declared  in  the  author's 
prologue  to  be  historically  true. 

"  Si  l'histoire  qui  est  et  vraye  et  profictable 
Doit  estre  aussy  plustost  receue  que  la  fable, 
Mesme  lors  que  l'histoire  avec  joye  finit, 
Et  que  la  fable  est  triste  et  n'aporte  profit 
(O  Roy  sur  tons  heureux ),  je  croy  que  ceste  histoire, 
Laquelle  est  veritable  et  finit  par  ta  gloire, 
Devrait  a  tes  espritz  dormer  plus  de  plaisir, 
Que  fable  qu'on  eust  sceu  entre  toutes  choisir." 

The  plot,  which  had  been  summarized  both  in  the  prologue  and 
in  the  prose  argument,  is  acted  by  _L«  Gaule,  TJ Europe,  Le  Chceur, 
Le  Temps  forgeron,  L'cstat  de  noblesse,  celuy  de  Veglise,  Le  plehee, 
Premier,  second,  troisiesme  soldat,  and  Le  jenne  Roy  fits  de  la  Gaule. 
The  play  opens  with  a  long  lament  by  La  Gaule,  beginning  with 
an  invocation  worthy  of  Seneca  : 

"  Dieux  marins  et  terrains,  puissances  des  haultz  cieux 
Manes,  toy  gouverneur  du  fleuve  Stigieux. 
Et  du  lac  A  vernal  et  qui  des  ombres  vaines  ..." 

V Europe,  hearing  her  sobs  and  noting  that  "  elle  n'a  plus  ny  teint 
ny  la  couleur  vermeille,  Qui  rendoit  sa  beaute  a  1' A  wore  pareille," 
comes  to  her  aid  with  chosen  maxims  concerning  self-control  and 
silent  patience.  The  chorus  ends  the  act  with  three  strophes  on 
comfort  in  affliction  and  the  importance  of  turning  to  "  Dieu  qui 
est  pardessus  tout." 

In  the  second  act  IJ  Europe  and  La  Gaule,  on  the  former's  sug- 
gestion, start  out  to  ask  aid  of  Le  Temps,  whom  they  opportunely 
encounter.     A  natural  conversation  ensues  : 

1  Let  Mas.  f r. ,  vi,  418. 


42  Tlie  French  Tragi- Comedy  : 

1 '  Le  Temps,  forgeron  : 

Mesme  salut  vous  soit,  rues  dames,  Dieu  vous  gard. 

Ou  allez  vous  ainsi  seuletes  a  l'escart? 
L' Europe  :    Nous  le  vous  dirons  bien  ;   nous  cherchons  le  repaire 

Du  Temps,  s'il  vous  plaisoit  nous  l'enseigner,  mon  pere. 
Le  Temps  :  Dictes  moy,  qui  vous  meut  de  le  chercher  ainsi 

Et  vous  saurez  de  moy  ce  que  cherchez  aussi." 

La  Gaule  now  asks  his  aid,  which  is  promised,  subject  to 
Jupiter's  will.  Into  this  act  Le  Temps  introduces  a  pleasing 
variety  by  singing  a  sonnet  as  he  forges  the  destiny  of  La  Gaule. 
But  in  spite  of  his  good  intentions,  he  is  forced  to  admit 

' '  Que  mon  art  ne  pourroit  amendre  ton  martire, 
Je  quite  tout,  a  dieu.  Celuy  travaille  en  vain 
Qui  cuide  pervertir  son  destin  inhumain." 

La  Gaule  would  now  despair,  but  U  Europe  persuades  her  to  call 
on  the  resources  of  the  three  estates.  With  a  comment  on  Time, 
the  chorus  closes  the  act,  which  is  followed  by  pause  et  musique. 

The  third  act  serves  to  increase  the  miseries  of  the  heroine,  for 
her  estates,  after  assuring  her  of  their  allegiance,  excuse  themselves 
on  learning  that  she  expects  them  to  aid  her.  Her  distress  is 
increased  by  the  sight  of  three  soldiers,  engaged  in  slaying  all 
persons  whom  they  meet,  one  of  whom  cries, 

"  Je  veux  Je  veux  soldats  ceste  espe"e  baignee 
Au  pur  sang  des  humains  sans  aucun  espargner." 

The  chorus  repeats  the  strophes  sung  at  the  end  of  the  second  act 
with  the  addition  of  six  lines  at  the  beginning.  One  of  the 
repeated  strophes  runs  as  follows  : 

On  sait  comme  le  Temps  courant 

Toujours  en  empirant 

Eemplit  de  sang  les  champs  humides 

II  abat  bien  les  pyramides 

Et  faict  a  la  pleine  egaler 

Les  tours  qui  percoient  Pair. 

In  the  fourth  act,  all  the  gloom  of  the  preceding  acts  has  disap- 
peared. La  Gaule  rejoices  over  a  message  delivered  to  her  by 
Mercury,  which  shows  her  how  to  escape  from  all  her  woes  : 

"II  te  fault  seulemeut  chercher  en  ta  maison 
De  ton  mal  douloureux  s'entirer  guerison 
Elle  gist  en  ton  filz  que  Jupiter  tant  ayme 
Qu'il  luy  a  sur  le  chef  pose  le  diademe." 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  43 

La  Gaule,  accompanied  by  V Europe,  now  meets  the  king,  who 
promises  to  cherish  and  protect  her.  She  replies  with  praise  of 
him  and  his  mother,  a  sentiment  that  shows  the  sycophantic 
spirit  of  the  author  in  putting  the  queen  mother  above  the  country. 

"Tu  as  bien  une  mere  plus  excel!  ente 
Que  je  ne  suis  (O  Roy)  car  son  port  est  divin 
Son  renom  hurte  au  ciel,  elle  est  sage  et  prudente 
Ainsi  vivra  son  los  e"ternel  et  sans  fin." 

Praise  is  also  accorded  to  the  other  princes  "  qui  te  sont  plus  pro- 
chains,"  to  Monseigneur  le  Connestable,  and  to  Monseigneur  le 
Chancelier.    The  play  ends  in  general  rejoicing,  L 'Europe  crying : 

"Qu'on  rompe  tout  soucy,  qu'on  le  face  enfuyr 
Et  qu'on  crie  par  tout  Vive  Charles  sans  cesse," 

and  La  Gaule: 

"Qu'on  chante  i'o  trois  fois,  qu'on  le  chante  a  grand  presse 
Que  l'on  claque  des  mains  en  signe  d'alegresse 
Qu'on  n'oublie  le  los  de  Charles  mon  enfant 
Et  qu'encor  on  le  nomme  en  tous  lieux  triumphant." 

From  these  passages  it  is  possible  to  approximate  the  date  of 
the  play.  Allusions  to  King  Charles  show  that  it  was  written 
after  the  accession  of  that  monarch,  December  5,  1560.  Paulin 
Paris  declared  that  it  dates  "  des  premieres  annees  du  regne  de 
Charles  IX,"  x  evidently  basing  his  conclusion  on  references  to 
the  king's  youth.  As,  however,  Charles  was  only  twenty-four 
years  old  when  he  died  (1574),  he  might  have  been  called  le  jeune 
roy  any  year  of  his  reign,  while  a  courtier  might  at  any  time  over- 
look the  troubles  brought  by  his  reign  in  order  to  refer  to  him  as 
the  savior  of  his  country.  On  the  other  hand,  a  definite  lower 
date  can  be  assigned  to  the  play  through  the  mention  of  the  cove- 
stable  just  cited.  The  description  of  him  as  "  Nestor  mesme  et  sa 
barbe  chenue  "  fits  exactly  Anne,  due  de  Montmorency,  sixty-eight 
years  old  and  conestable  when  Charles  IX  came  to  the  throne. 
As  he  was  killed  in  battle  on  November  10,  1567,  and  as  no 
successor  to  his  office  was  appointed  during  the  reign  of  Charles, 

1Les  MSS.  fr.,  vx,  417. 


44  The  French  Tragi- Comedy  : 

the  time  of  his  death  is  the  latest  possible  date  that  can  be  assigned 
to  the  play. 

The  structure  of  this  tragi-comedy  is  exceedingly  loose.  The 
preliminary  discourses  between  La  Gaule  and  L}  Europe,  the 
unsuccessful  visit  to  Le  Temps,  and  the  equally  unavailing  sum- 
mons of  the  estates  have  so  little  connection  with  one  another  that 
the  omission  of  any  one  of  them  would  not  affect  the  rest.  All  of 
the  classical  unities  are  obviously  violated.  The  solution  of  the 
problem  given  in  the  fourth  act  is  dramatically  illogical,  as  one 
cannot  understand  why  La  Gaule  did  not  turn  to  this  wonderful 
son  in  the  first  instance.  As  the  play  stands,  the  denouement  is 
too  readily  attained  after  all  the  woes  depicted.  The  anti-climax 
could  be  pardoned  only  by  Charles  IX.  The  key-note  of  the  play 
lies,  indeed,  in  this  praise  of  monarchical  rule  by  an  author  who 
esteems  Catherine  de  Medici  more  highly  than  France  and  presents 
her  son  as  the  savior  of  his  land,  when  nobility,  clergy,  and  people 
had  failed  to  help  it.  Once,  it  is  true,  the  author's  sympathy  is 
extended  to  the  people,  when  U 'Europe  predicts  that  "  Toujours  le 
laboureur  an  travail  ne  se  tue,"  1  but  his  feeling  is  ordinarily  for 
the  country  as  a  whole  in  the  fixed  order  of  class  distinctions. 

The  personages  actively  concerned  in  the  play  are  few  in  num- 
ber. They  are  mainly  abstractions  that  show  no  great  variety  in 
expression.  EEurope  is  a  consistent  adviser  and  friend.  La 
Gaule  appropriately,  if  unintentionally,  personifies  the  fundamental 
egoism  still  characteristic  of  countries  in  their  political  relations. 
The  weakness  of  her  character  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  all  her 
actions  are  based  on  the  advice  of  JO Europe  or  Mercury.  The 
other  personages  play  subordinate  roles,  appearing  never  more  than 
once  on  the  stage.  In  alluding  to  the  Supreme  Being  the  author 
forgets  his  classical  mention  of  Jupiter  and  Mercury.  By  the 
substitution  in  the  roles  of  emotion  for  didacticism,  the  play 
shows  a  marked  advance  over  L'homme  iustihe  par  Foy.  That  it 
was  intended  for  representation*  is  shown  by  the  direction  for 
"  pause  et  musique  "  at  the  end  of  the  second  act. 

E  Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher,  Suisse,  by  Josephe  Du  Chesne, 
physician    to  Francois   de  France,  brother  of  Henri  III,   is  a 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  45 

moralite  of  the  same  type  as  La  Gaule  that  shows  still  weaker 
dramatic  qualities  thau  those  exhibited  in  the  latter  play.  It 
celebrates  the  perpetual  alliance  between  Geneva,  Zurich,  and 
Berne  by  recounting  the  manner  in  which  the  timely  arrival  of 
Stoffacher's  shade  averted  a  civil  war.  The  personages  arc 
JBeUone,  Le  Choeur  des  soldcds,  J]  Ombre  de  Gamier,  Le  Choeur  des 
Cantons,  Discorde,  La  Paix,  Le  Choeur  des  trois  miles,  Le  Messager. 
Bellone  begins  the  play  by  a  four-page  monologue  expressing  her 
fury  on  account  of  peace  and  her  desire  for  war  among  the  Swiss 
allies.     Her  terms,  though  crude,  are  not  lacking  in  vigor. 

' '  Qu'  ores  la  solde  soit  le  f ruict  de  vos  nioissons, 
Vos  coutres  soyent  changez  en  estocs,  et  en  lances 
Vos  esguillons  point  us,  que  pour  toutes  semen ces 
Vous  iettiez  a  ce  coup  sur  vos  sillons  voustez 
Des  sacagez  meurtris  les  corps  ensanglantez." 

The  chorus  of  soldiers  ends  the  act,  which  has  scarcely  begun, 
expressing  in  eleven  strophes  their  hope  for  peace  and  dread  of  war. 

The  second  act  is,  in  construction,  the  counterpart  of  the  first, 
with  the  substitution  of  L' Ombre  de  Gamier  for  Bellone  and  the 
Chorus  of  Cantons  for  the  Chorus  of  Soldiers.     Gamier  cries  : 

"le  romps,  i'ouure,  a  present  de  ma  prison  la  porte, 
Bien  que  du  noir  tombeau  iamais  aucun  ne  sorte, 
De  mes  cris,  de  mes  vceuz,  de  mes  larmes  1' effort 
Eut  esmeu  a  pitie  l'impitoyable  mort 
Contre  sa  dure  loy  m'ayant  donne  licence 
De  visiter  encor  le  lieu  de  ma  naissance." 

He  invokes  peace,  reminding  the  Swiss  of  the  noble  deeds  of  their 
heroes.  Particularly  interesting  is  his  simple  account  of  Tell's 
notable  deed,  when  the  tyrant 

"  mit  sur  la  teste  du  fils 
De  Telh  pour  butte  las  !  une  pomme  iadis, 
Que  l'abatre  contrainct  d'une  flesche  legere, 
Fut  a  peine  de  mort  le  miserable  pere  ; 
La  face  lui  pallist,  et  de  crainte  et  de  peur, 
II  ne  pouuoit  guigner  ayant  l'oeil  plein  de  pleur, 
L'arc  trembloit  en  sa  main,  ainsi  mal  asseuree, 
N'esperoit  guider  droit  sa  sagette  aceree  : 
Mais  a  la  fin  force  hardiment  la  lascha, 
Et  sans  nuire  a  son  fils  de  son  chef  l'arracha." 


46  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

After  a  five-page  exhortation,  Gamier  returns  to  the  Champs 
Elisiens,  leaving  the  Chceur  des  Cantons  to  banish  Bellone  and  wel- 
come La  Palx.  Bellone  and  Discorde  wrath  fully  retire  to  I'enfer, 
a  departure  that  should  end  the  play.  The  author,  however,  sees 
fit  to  add  another  act,  in  which  La  Paix  laments  her  misfortunes, 
is  interrogated  by  three  friendly  choruses,  and  finally  rejoices  on 
hearing  that  Bellone  has  been  put  to  flight  by  Gamier.  This 
information  is  brought  by  a  messenger,  who  begins  his  speech 
happily  enough : 

"  Quel  Echo  auiourd'hui  r'enforcera  ma  voix  ? 
Calme  done  tous  tes  flots,  6  beau  lac  Geneuois, 
Car  a)rant  aborde  si  pres  de  ton  riuage 
Ie  te  veux  faire  part  de  mon  heureux  message." 

The  vows  of  the  chorus  at  the  end  of  the  play  are  naively 
expressed  as  follows : 

"Que  tout  le  bestail  porte-laine, 
Qui  paist  en  ceste  heureuse  plaine, 
Plustost  s'  accorde  auec  les  loups, 
Plustost  sans  Ours  soyent  nos  montagnes, 
Et  sans  fonteines  nos  campagnes 
Que  la  paix  s'esloigne  de  nous." 

No  play  can  be  much  less  dramatic  than  this.  The  actors  speak 
almost  entirely  in  choruses  or  lengthy  monologues.  There  is  no 
intrigue,  no  action,  not  even  a  debate,  for  the  chorus  decides  at 
once  in  favor  of  Gamier' s  advice  and  against  that  of  Bellone. 
Expressions  of  feeling  are  crudely  attempted  when  Bellone  shrieks 
her  fury  and  Gamier  expatiates  on  the  nobility  of  patriotism. 
The  weak  character  of  La  Paix  recalls  that  of  La  Gaule. 
Classical  influence  is  evident  in  the  language,  the  introduction  of 
the  Ombre  and  the  Messager,  and  the  large  use  of  monologue  and 
chorus. 

The  two  remaining  tragi-comedies  of  this  class  show  a  return 
in  character  to  L' 'Homme  iustijii  par  Foy.  Le  Desespere  preaches 
the  reward  of  virtue  and  the  punishment  of  vice  by  the  example  of 
two  brothers.  The  personages  are  Le  Prologue,  le  Pere,  Charles, 
Thomas,  la  Sagesse,  la  Vertu,  la  VoupU,  VAbus,  VAnge,  le  Laquay, 
le  Serviteur,  la  Mort,    le  Diablon,    Lucifer,    VEpilogue.     Charles 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  47 

avoids  Abus  and  VolwpU  to  follow  Vertu  and  Sagesse,  while 
Thomas  pursues  the  opposite  course,  resulting  in  brigandage  and 
suicide,  which  delivers  his  soul  to  Lucifer  and  Diablon.  From 
grief  over  this  catastrophe,  the  father  also  meditates  suicide,  but 
is  prevented  from  taking  his  life  by  an  angel,  who  bids  him 
rather  arrange  the  marriage  of  his  remaining  son.  Virtue  is 
thus  rewarded  amid  general  rejoicing. 

Morality  is  also  taught  in  Caresme  prenant,  as  acted  by  Le 
Prologue,  la  Concupiscence,  le  Mespris  de  religion,  le  Remords  de 
conscience,  la  Temperance,  le  Monde,  le  Voluptueux,  la  Continence, 
Caresme-Prenant,  le  Dimanche  gras,  le  Lundy  gras,  le  Mardy  gras, 
le  Mercredy  gras,  le  Jeudy  gras,  Ceres,  Bacchus,  la  Gloutonie, 
Cupidon,  Venus,  le  Mignon  de  Caresme-Prenant,  Morplxee,  Caresme, 
Than,  Jaumet,  Arlequin,  Guillot,  le  Mercredy  des  cendres,  Peni- 
tence, V Epilogue.  The  following  analysis  of  this  play  is  given  by 
Petit  de  Julleville :  l  "  Cest  l'histoire  de  Careme-prenant  (c'est- 
a-dire  Carnaval)  battu  par  Careme.  Le  Voluptueux  s'abandonne 
a  tous  les  vices,  puis  il  se  convertit  a  la  voix  de  Religion.  La 
fin  est  edifiante ;  les  details  ne  le  sont  pas  tous,  quoique  le  Pro- 
logue annonce  une  piece  '  plus  grave  que  grasse.'  La  piece,  en 
vers  de  huit  syllabes,  est,  a  la  mode  nouvelle,  divisee  en  cinq 
actes  ;  entre  le  quatri&rne  et  le  cinquieme,  quatre  personnages,  qui 
ne  sont  pas  meles  au  reste  de  Faction,  Tivan  Savoyard,  Jaumet 
Provencal,  Guillot  Francais,  et  Arlequin  Italien,  forment  un 
intermede  ou  se  trouvent  les  allusions  promises  par  le  titre 
'  touchant  quelques  abus  de  ce  temps.'  " 

It  is  evident  that  neither  Le  Desesper6  nor  Caresme  prenant 
is  similar  to  the  tragi-comedy  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The 
first  tends  to  become  a  drame  bourgeois,  where  the  interest  is 
centered  in  the  affairs  of  a  simple  family  and  the  moral  lesson 
derived  therefrom.  The  second  has  elements  of  the  farce  that 
show  resemblance  to  the  fourth  class  of  sixteenth  century  tragi- 
comedies.2 Written  by  Claude  Bonnet,  an  obscure  "  docteur  en 
droit  civil  et  canon "   of  Dauphine,   and   published  at  Aix-en- 

1  Repertoire,  43  seq.  2See  below,  page  69. 


48  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

Provence,  these  tragi-comedies  probably  exerted  little  influence 
on  the  genre  now  becoming  known  at  Paris. 

In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  the  moralite  tends  to  develop 
into  the  comedy  rather  than  into  the  tragi-comedy,  and  conse- 
quently affects  the  latter  genre  not  as  a  whole,  but  only  in  isolated 
plays.  Of  these  the  political  moralites,  La  Gaule  and  IS  Ombre 
de  Gamier  Stojf'aeher,  show  the  closest  resemblance  to  other  tragi- 
comedies, but  even  in  their  case  the  term  is  used  with  the  broad 
sixteenth  century  sense,  which  made  possible  its  application  to 
any  medieval  play  of  happy  denouement  that  shows  in  its  form 
some  effect  of  classical  imitation. 

II.    The  Mystere  of  Biblical  Plot  as  Tragi-Comedy. 

The  Old  Testament  subjects  that  furnished  material  for  medieval 
plays  and  Latin  dramas  of  the  Renaissance  were  repeated  in  a 
number  of  French  plays,  written  during  the  latter  half  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Six  of  these  were  called  tragi-comedies  and 
nearly  all  the  rest  tragedies.  There  seems  to  be  no  definite  system 
of  nomenclature  in  them,  except  that  the  tragi-comedies  end 
happily,  while  the  tragedies  usually  contain  personages  who  meet 
with  loss  of  life  or  fortune.  Exceptions  are  found  before  the  term, 
tragi-comedie,  has  come  into  general  use ;  as,  in  the  case  of  Beza's 
Abraham  saerifiant,  Tragedie  Francoise (1550)  and  Des  Mazures's 
David  Triomphant  and  David  Fugitif  (1566).  Reprints  of  Beza's 
work  continue  the  term  tragedie,  but  a  play  on  the  same  subject 
is  called  a  tragi-comedy  in  1588.1  The  rare  application  to 
biblical  plays  of  the  term  comklie  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that 
light  pieces,  based  on  Italian  models,  were  usually  so  called.  Its 
use  at  Antwerp  in  1589  to  designate  a  play  concerning  the 
Patriarche  Abrcdiam  et  sa  servante  Agar  seems  to  show  the 
influence  of  the  numerous  Latin  plays  on  biblical  subjects,  written 
in  the  Netherlands  and  called  comosdice. 

The  first  of  the  six  biblical  plays  that  are  to  be  discussed  here 
is  Tragicomedie.    L' Argument  pris  du  troisieme  ehapitre  de  Daniel: 

1  See  below,  page  57. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  49 

avec  le  cantique  des  trois  enfans,  chante  en  la  fornaise,  dedicated  to 
the  Queen  of  Navarre,  in  the  service  of  whose  husband  the  author 
professes  to  be.  Lauson,1  mentioning  this  with  other  plays  that 
speak  of  an  audience  or  theater  in  their  prologue,  shows  that  this 
evidence  is  not  sufficient  to  prove  the  representation  of  the  piece, 
as  such  remarks  constitute  an  ordinary,  introductory  formula.  He 
has  not  noticed  that  in  this  case,  however,  there  is  the  additional, 
if  not  conclusive,  evidence  of  a  Sonnet  da  S.  D.  S.  to  the  author, 
in  which  S.  D.  S.  seems  to  have  a  definite  performance  in  mind, 
as  he  writes :  "  Quand  je  voy  sur  son  dos  ta  Tragi-comedie 
Relever,"  and  "On  les  [the  three  children]  voit  renaistre  en  ce 
Theatre." 

The  subject  of  the  play  is  an  old  one  on  the  French  stage,  as  at 
the  end  of  Adam,  the  first  medieval  play  extant,  Nebuchadnezzar 
told  of  the  three  children  :  "  Chi  jo  fis  mettre  en  foe  ardant."  2 
Strangely  enough,  no  play  on  this  subject  has  been  preserved  in 
the  Mistere  du  Viel  Testament.  An  Histoire  Tragedienne  tirie  de 
la  Fureur  et  Tyrannie  de  Nabuchodonosor  is  mentioned  by  La 
Valliere3  as  published  at  Rouen,  without  date,  but  probably  at 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  subject  is  the  same 
as  that  of  the  play  here  under  discussion,  except  that  after  the 
furnace  incident  the  King  goes  mad,  the  ending  thus  coinciding 
with  the  term,  tragedienne,  according  to  the  standards  of  the  time. 

The  personages  of  the  tragi-comedy  are  Nabuchodonosor,  Boy 
de  Babylone  ;  Son  lieutenant ;  Asphene,  gouverneur  de  ses  Eunuques  ; 
troupe  de  Babyloniens,  scavoir,  Demie  bande  et  Demie  bande  ;  Gen- 
darmes et  Satellites  premiers  et  secondes  ;  Les  Conseillers  ;  Le  herault ; 
La  suyte  du  Boy  ;  Sydraeh  ;  Misach  ;  Abdenago.  '  The  prologue, 
written  in  Alexandrines,  after  enjoining  silence  on  the  audience, 
promises  to  be  instructive  in  presenting  a  subject  that  is  familiar 
to  all.     The  play  is  begun  with  a  tirade  by  the  King  : 

"  Quand  nia  grandeur  s'abbaisse  a  con  tempter 
Ce  qui  fut  faict  pour  la  terre  peupler, 
Tous  animaux  quels  qu'ils  soyent,  ayant  vie, 


1  Revue  d' hist,  litt.,  x,  415. 

2  Das  Adamsspiel,  930-43,  Romanische  Bibliuthek,  vi,  Halle,  1891. 
8 1,  463. 


50  The  French  Tragi- Comedy  : 

Pay  (a  bon  droict)  de  m'estonner  enuie 
Du  grand  honneur  deu  a  ma  granite" 
De  chascun  peuple  a  perpetuite. ' ' 

Faguet  declares  that  this  speech,  "  revele  bien  le  voisinage  de 
la  tragedie  classique  de  1560,"  and  adds,  "  II  n'y  a  pour  parler  si 
longtemps  sur  ce  ton  que  les  Charles-Quint  de  1830  ou  les 
Nabuchodonosor  de  1560." l  The  same  kind  of  introductory 
verbiage  may,  however,  be  found  in  the  medieval  drama,  De 
Nabugodonosor  et  Holofernes.2 

Asphene  now  echoes  his  master's  self-praise  by  calling  him  a 
god.  The  King  tells  him  of  the  image  that  has  been  made  and 
orders  him  to  set  it  up.  The  crudity  of  the  piece  is  shown  in  this 
scene,  for  the  King  shows  no  hesitation  in  assuming  a  divine  role, 
while  Asphene  is  made  to  receive  information  which  he  must 
already  have  known.  Now  follows  a  Cantique  d'une  petite  bande 
de  Babyloniens  on  the  greatness  and  folly  of  their  lord  : 

"  Apres  tout  flechit  et  ploye 
Sous  nostre  Eoy  d'auiourd'huy, 
II  n'  ha  nul  pareil  a  luy, 
L'ennemi  luy  est  en  proye 
Les  astres  roulans  e"s  cieux, 
Tous  pour  en  heurer  son  mieux 
Luy  vien[nen]t  auec  fortune  ; 
le  croy  qu'en  enfer  profond 
Ses  forces  effrayer  vont 
Le  Roy  frere  de  Neptune." 

The  King  reappears,  to  boast  again  and  to  learn  that  the  people 
are  coming  to  worship  the  image.  He  threatens  to  punish  with 
the  fiery  furnace  all  that  will  refuse  to  do  so,  while  Asphene 
advises  him  to  prepare  for  his  appearance  at  the  theatre.  The 
Babylonian  bands  end  this  division  of  the  play  by  a  song  on  the 
evil  influence  of  flatterers. 

The  three  children,  next  introduced,  discuss  "  ceste  ordure 
d' image."  Some  variety  is  infused  into  the  piece  by  the  r6le  of 
Sidrach,  who  hesitates  to  disobey  the  order  of  the  King.  As  he 
is  speedily  convinced    by   Abdenago,   however,   that   the  divine 

1  Tragedie  jr.,  103.  2  Mistere  du  Viel  Testament,  V,  231. 


Its  Origin  and  Development  51 

command  alone  must  be  followed,  all  three  unite  in  refusing  to 
worship  the  image.  After  the  music  has  sounded,  all  the  people 
bow  down  except  the  three  children,  whose  disobedience  is  reported 
by  Satellites,  to  the  King.  Brought  before  the  King,  they  are 
offered  pardon,  if  they  will  now  consent  to  worship,  but  when  they 
refuse  they  are  ordered  to  the  furnace  seven  times  heated.  The 
Babylonian  bands  express  their  sympathy  in  a  chorus. 

Nabuchodonosor,  roused  to  vigorous,  if  unkingly  language  by  the 
obstinacy  of  the  children,  cries  to  his  attendants  : 

"O  malheureux ! 

Ne  me  depescherez-vous  d'eux, 

Les  laisserez  vous  sermonner 

Encor'  long  temps,  et  estonner 

Ce  poure  peuple,  grosses  bestes, 

Ie  vous  rompray  a  tous  les  testes, 

Si  plus  longuement  vous  songez. 
Satellites  :  Nous  sommes  prestz. 

Le  Roy  :  Qu'ils  soient  plongez 

En  la  fornaise,  au  beau  milieu, 

Et  puis  on  verra  si  leur  Dieu 

Tant  puissant,  les  retirera 

De  la  dedans. 
Abdenago  :  II  le  fera 

S'il  luy  plaist :  car  vrayement  il  peult 

Tost  nous  en  retirer,  s'il  veult. 
Satellites:  S'il  peult,  s'il  veult,  qu'il  vous  en  tire." 

To  the  King's  amazement  the  excutioners  are  burnt,  while  the 
children  sing  a  canticque  in  the  midst  of  the  flames.  They  follow 
this  with  a  metrical  translation  of  the  Apocryphal  Song  of  the 
Three  Children.  The  King  now  bids  them  leave  the  flames,  ex- 
presses sorrow  for  his  past  conduct,  and  promises  to  protect  them 
in  the  future.  The  children  rejoice,  while  the  Babyloniens  point 
the  moral  in  a  final  chorus.  An  epilogue  in  Alexandrines  ends 
the  play. 

Although  no  division  into  acts  is  indicated  in  this  tragi-comedy, 
the  five  parts  of  it  are  clearly  marked  out  after  the  Senecan  model 
by  the  insertion  into  the  midst  of  the  action  of  songs  sung  by  the 
Babyloniens  and  the  three  children.  The  fact  that  the  unity  of 
action  is  preserved  in  the  play  seems  due  to  the  nature  of  the  subject, 


52  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

rather  than  to  the  skill  of  the  author,  for  the  biblical  narrative  is 
followed  with  slavish  exactitude.  This  unity  would  appear  more 
clearly,  if  the  first  scene  had  been  omitted.  The  unity  of  place  is 
violated,  as  the  action  is  located  before  the  palace,  in  the  fields,  and 
around  the  fiery  furnace.  The  unity  of  time  seems  also  unobserved, 
as,  more  than  one  day  was  probably  required  for  the  erection  of  the 
image  and  the  incidents  that  follow  in  the  drama. 

Some  attempt  at  character-drawing  is  shown  in  the  speeches  of 
the  important  persons.  Nabuchodonosor  is  the  first  of  a  long  line 
of  blustering,  tragi-comic  kings,  whose  overbearing  manner  is 
accompanied  by  a  feeble  intellectual  endowment.  The  leader  of 
the  eunuchs  is  an  humble  sycophant.  The  happy  attempt  to  dis- 
criminate the  characters  of  the  three  children  is  visible  only  at 
first.  They  subsequently  become  merely  three  names,  attached  to 
a  single  character,  thus  losing  in  dramatic  interest  what  they  gain 
in  fidelity  to  their  biblical  prototypes. 

The  spirit  of  the  play,  as  well  as  its  crude  style  and  uneven 
versification,  shows  it  to  be  essentially  medieval,  despite  the  fact 
that  the  choruses  and  the  Prologue  and  Epilogue  are  in  classical 
Alexandrines.  It  is  of  importance  as  the  first  French  tragi-comedy 
in  which  the  events  are  of  dramatic  significance,  as  well  as  the 
moral  lesson  taught  by  it.  This  play  thus  begins  a  tendency  that 
results  in  the  typical  tragi-comedy  which  neglects  psychological 
study  and  moral  teaching  for  the  interest  aroused  by  the  dramatic 
event. 

The  story  of  Job's  sufferings  and  restoration  to  health  and 
wealth  furnished  the  plot  of  many  plays  written  during  the  fifteenth 
and  sixteenth  centuries.  It  is  found  in  the  MisUre  du  Viel  Testa- 
ment (36536-37848)  and  in  the  Patience  de  lob  of  which  eight 
redactions  can  be  indicated  between  1478  and  1  600.  A  Jeu  de  la 
Patience  de  Job  was  given  at  Metz  in  1513,  and  a  Moralitas 
Patientie  Job  at  Draguignan  in  1534.  A  Latin  play  on  the  same 
subject  was  published  at  Marburg  in  1543,  and  at  Bale  in  1547, 
while  another  was  represented  at  Prague  in  1550.1     It  was,  there- 

1  Mistere  du  Viel  Testament,  v,  pages  iii-x.    Petit  de  Julleville,  Repertoire,  391, 
mentions  a  Vie  de  Job,  played  at  Rouen,  1556. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  53 

fore,  no  unfamiliar  theme  that  was  acted  in  the  Histoire  or  Tragi- 
comedie  de  lob  at  Poitiers,  July  27,  28,  and  29,  1572,  "en  mag- 
nifiques  habits  et  theatres,  toutesfois  mal  representee." 

Now,  parts  of  this  play  have  been  preserved  in  the  Oeuvres  de 
Scevofe  de  Sainte  Marine  under  the  title,  Pour  le  Prologue  de  la 
Tragicomedie  de  lob  and  Cantiques  de  lob.  These  fragments,  which 
are  all  that  is  left  of  the  play,  show  a  decided  advance  in  stylistic 
excellence  over  contemporary  tragi-comedies.  After  summoning 
the  muses  and  praising  the  use  of  verse,  the  author  professes  adher- 
ence to  the  tenets  of  the  medieval  stage: 

"  Les  vers,  qui  sont  le  fruit  des  estudes  de  ceux 
Que  le  vulgaire  lourd  estime  paresseux, 
Ny  eux  mesmes  iaruais  sous  la  mort  ne  perissent, 
Ny  ne  souffrent  perir  ceux-la,  qui  les  cherissent. 


Or  les  Poetes  vieux,  et  ceux  dont  la  pensee 

De  payennes  erreurs  est  encore  insensee, 

Ont  rendu  iusqu'  ici  les  Theatres  tons  pleins 

Des  miseres  de  Troye  et  des  malheurs  Thebains  : 

Mais  nous  qui  du  vray  Dieu  connoissons  mieux  la  gloire 

Auons  voulu  changer  les  fables  a  1' histoire, 

A  fin  de  contenter  le  Chrestien  auditeur 

D'un  poeme  Chrestien,  et  non  pas  d'un  menteur  : 

Vous  proposant  ici,  auec  vostre  silence, 

D'un  des  enfans  de  Dieu  la  loiiable  Constance." 

The  plot  outlined  in  the  prologue  adheres  closely  to  the  biblical 
account,  exaggerating  somewhat,  however,  Job's  unhappiness  by 
placing  him  on  a  dung-heap  "pleine  de  fascheuse  odeur,  et  groiiil- 
lant  de  vermine."  The  prologue  is  followed  by  a  discours  sur  le 
mesme  sujet,  which  appears  to  have  found  no  part  in  the  play. 
Later  in  the  volume,  however,  the  author  adds  the  Cantique  de 
lob,  which  includes  the  following  pleasing  strophes  with  their 
happily  chosen  simile  : 

"  Quand  sus  la  campagne  humide, 
Par  Forage  courrouce 
Le  nocher  palle  et  timide 
Voit  son  nauire  froisse, 
Quelle  attente  luy  demeure 
Sinon  que  bien  tost  il  meure  ? 
Toutesfois  souuent  un  aiz 


54  The  French  Tragi-  Comedy  : 

Le  porte  sur  le  riuage  : 

Et  la  sauue  du  naufrage 

II  rend  les  voeux  qu'il  a  faits. 

Ainsi  quand  l'aspre  tourmente 
Du  malheur  qui  s'irritoit, 
Ceste  maison  florissante 
De  fond  en  comble  abbatoit, 
Qu'est-ce  qu'on  pouuoit  attendre 
D'un  si  euident  esclandre 
Qu'  une  ruine  a  iamais  ? 
Et  toulesfois  ce  bon  pere, 
Du  fond  de  telle  misere 
Se  voit  tire  desormais." 

The  poetic  feeling  shown  in  these  lines  makes  the  reader  regret 
that  this  tragi-comedy  has  survived  in  only  fragmentary  form. 

As  the  Tobie  (1579)  of  Mile  des  Koches  may  best  be  discussed 
in  connection  with  Ouyn's  Thobie  (1597)  *,  the  next  play  to  be 
considered  is  lokebed,  written  by  Pierre  Heyns,  a  schoolmaster  of 
Antwerp.  This  play  is  bound  with  two  others  by  the  same 
author  under  the  title, 

r    lokebed    ^|  f    Meres 

La   <     Susanue     V    miroirs  des    <     Mesnageres 

(    Iudith       J  (    Vefves 

As  the  heroine  of  the  second  of  these  plays  is  not  the  Apocryphal 
Susannah,  but  a  Dutch  bourgeoise,  the  title  comidie  is  appropriately 
employed  here.  Iudith,  involving  the  slaying  of  Holophernes,  is 
called  a  tragedie ;  while  lokebed  is  a  Tragi-  Comedie  de  Moyse. 

The  plot  of  the  latter  play  includes  the  accounts  of  the  mid- 
wives,  who  saved  the  new-born  Hebrews  in  Egypt,  of  the  birth  of 
Moses,  and  of  his  finding  by  Pharaoh's  daughter,  events  that  I 
find  dramatized  in  no  earlier  French  plays  except  the  Mistere  du 
Viel  Testament,2  which  shows  no  closer  connection  with  Heyns's 
work  than  that  which  is  necessitated  by  the  fact  that  the  two 
compositions  have  a  common  source.  Unlike  the  author  of  this 
portion  of  the  Viel  Testament,  Heyns  crowds  into  his  play  a 
number  of  allegorical  personages,  who  hold  lengthy  scholastic 
arguments  crowded  with  platitudes.     The  play  thus  resembles  the 

1  See  below,  page  57.  2  Lines  22067-22829. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  55 

medieval  moralite  as  well  as  the  mysttre.  By  its  division  into  acts 
it  shows  classical  influence  ;  by  its  use  of  prose,  an  approach  to  con- 
temporary comic  productions.  Its  didactic  nature  is  obvious  from 
the  following  list  of  dramatis  personam:  Audience  and  Operation, 
who  speak  in  dialogue  the  prologue  and  conclusion ;  Disposition- 
Divine  ;  Gent-Israelite ;  Affliction,  sa  servante ;  Sagesse-humaine, 
concubine  de  Phar'aon ;  Cruaute,  sa  chambriere ;  Iokebed,  mere  de 
Moyse ;  Marie,  sa  file;  Foy ;  Esperance;  Sciphra  and  Puha, 
sages-femmes  ;  Thermuth,  princesse :  Compassion,  file  oVhonneur  ; 
deux  oa  trois  muettes ;  Abda  and  Bersa,  nourrices  Egyptiennes. 
All  of  these  roles,  it  may  be  noted,  are  suited  to  the  sex  of 
Heyns's  female  pupils. 

The  play  opens  with  a  heavy  dialogue  between  Audience  and 
Operation  as  to  whether  hearing  or  action  is  more  efficacious  in 
matters  of  salvation  and  election.  This  tragi-comedy,  they  state, 
purposes  to  teach  God's  providence,  the  subject  of  a  disquisition 
by  Disposition- Divine  in  the  first  scene.  This  virtue,  finding 
Gent-Israelite  in  tears,  demonstrates  her  lack  of  resignation  by  a 
theological  catechism.  Meanwhile  Sag  esse- Humaine  and  Cruaute 
determine  to  destroy  the  Hebrews.  In  the  second  act  Gent- 
Israelite,  when  lamenting  again,  is  advised  by  Iokebed  to  rejoice 
with  her  in  time  of  trouble.  Affliction  now  weeps  with  Gent- 
Israelite,  till  Foy  comforts  them  by  means  of  a  dream,  predicting 
the  Exodus.  Iokebed  adds  that  she  has  been  assured  of  salvation, 
to  be  won  for  her  people  by  the  child  in  her  womb. 

The  allegorical  figures  continue  to  discourse  in  the  next  act, 
when  Sagesse-Humaine  plans  the  massacre  of  the  innocents. 
Disposition-Divine  gives  Cruaute  power  to  accomplish  this,  but 
sends  Compassion  to  win  over  the  midwives.  After  considerable 
argumentation,  the  latter  agree  to  save  the  children,  despite  their 
scruples  over  the  prevarication  involved.  In  the  fourth  act 
Cruaute  takes  from  Compassion  a  dead  infant,  which  the  latter 
had  intended  to  substitute  for  Moses.  Iokebed  laments  this 
misfortune,  till  she  is  comforted  by  Disposition-Divine  with  the 
suggestion  to  hide  the  infant  in  the  bulrushes.  A  crude  attempt 
at  displaying  Iokebed's  emotion  on  parting  with  Moses  may  be 
distinguished  amid  the  pedantic  utterances  of  the  actors.     The 


56  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

rest  of  the  play  is  taken  up  with  the  finding  of  Moses  by  Ther- 
niuth,  an  event  that  inspires  the  only  part  of  the  play  in  any 
degree  dramatic.  The  discovery  of  the  infant  is  the  occasion  of 
the  following  dialogue  : 

"  Thermuth:  O  quelle  douce  harmonie  y  rend  aussi  le  gasoiiillement  et  ramage 
d'un  million  d'oiselets  organisans,  qui  font  resonner  melodieusement  leurs  voix 
musicales,  parmi  ces  arbres  branchus !  Vrayment,  je  ne  vei  oncques  saison  plus 
plaisante,  ne  place  plus  commode  pour  se  refraichir. 

"  Compassion:  le  n'y  ay  este  qu'une  seule  fois,  Madame,  mais  elle  m'a  tant 
pleu,  que  j'ay  estime  vostre  excellence  y  devoir  aussi  trouver  du  plaisir  comme 
elle  fait  maintenant,  dont  je  suis  bien  joyeuse.  Mais  voyez,  Madame,  que  peut 
estre  cela,  que  je  voy-la  descendre  sur  la  riviere  ? 

"  Thermuth:  II  semble  que  ce  soit  un  cofi'ret,  il  n'est  guere  loing  de  la  rive,  on 
y  pourroit  bien  nvenir  de  ceste  branche  coupee,  prenez-la  et  essayez  a  l'attirer  a 
nous,  e  me  l'apportez,  que  je  voye  ce  qu'il  y  a  dedans,  mais  gardez  vous  du  faux 
Crocodile. 

"  Compassion:   le  le  feray,  Madame  :  le  Pay.     Le  voicy,  Madame. 

"Thermuth:  Qu'est  ceci?  un  coffre  vivant?  il  y  a  de  la  vie  dedans,  ce  me 
semble.  Helas,  c'est  un  enfant  pleurant !  O  quelle  mere  desconfortee  peut  avoir 
perdu  ce  povret  trouve.     Ha  ce  sera  un  des  enfans  Hebrieux. 

"  Compassion:   II  pourroit  bien  estre,  Madame."  * 

The  intensely  pedantic  nature  of  this  tragi-comedy  is  evident 
from  the  preceding  analysis.  Unity  is  absent  from  the  plot,  for 
the  first  two  acts  are  concerned  with  the  woes  of  Gent-Israelite, 
the  third  with  kindly  actions  of  the  midwives,  the  fourth  and 
fifth  with  the  birth  and  rescue  of  Moses.  The  scene  is  laid  in  the 
house  of  Iokebed,  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  and  elsewhere.  The 
time  involved  is  probably  several  months.  The  inconsistency  of 
the  allegorical  characters  is  obvious  in  the  case  of  Sagesse- 
Humaine  and  Gent-Israelite,  of  whom  the  former  is  both  an 
allegorical  figure  and  Pharaoh's  concubine,  while  the  latter  repre- 
sents the  Hebrews  as  a  whole  and  also  one  of  Iokebed' s  neigh- 
bors. Affliction  is  a  useless  echo  of  Gent-Israelite,  as  Esperance 
is  of  Foy,  and  Cruaute  of  Sagessc-IIumaine.  No  distinction  is 
made  between  the  two  midwives.  Disposition-Divine  is  a  heart- 
less pedant,  whose  ideas  of  sympathy  are  contracted  to  the  limits 
of  a  catechism.  The  role  of  Iokebed  does  not  appeal  to  the 
reader,  for  her  lack  of  personality  is  not  compensated  by  the 


V,  2. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  57 

didactic  sentiments  that  she  voices.  The  only  part  of  the  play, 
indeed,  that  is  fairly  true  to  life  is  that  concerned  with  the  finding 
of  Moses,  from  which  a  citation  has  just  been  made. 

The  Tragi-comedie  en  laquelle  figure  Vhistoire  des  deux  grieves 
tentations  desquelles  le  patriarche  Abraham  a  e"te  exerce"  has  been 
mentioned  above.1  The  subject  of  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac,  probably 
indicated  by  this  title,  had  been  treated  in  several  plays  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  notably  in  that  of  Theodore  Beza,  published  at 
Geneva  five  times2  before  1588,  the  year  in  which  the  play  under 
discussion  was  represented  at  Montbeliard.  As  this  town  is  not 
very  far  from  Geneva,  it  is  probable  that  the  latter  play  was 
influenced  by  Beza's  work,  if  it  was  not  a  direct  imitation  of  it. 
As  the  tragi-comedy  is  lost,  however,  no  definite  conclusions  can 
be  reached  regarding  it. 

The  Apocryphal  story  of  Tobit  is  found  in  the  Mistere  du  Viel 
Testament,3  after  which  it  is  first  dramatized  in  the  Acte  de  la 
Tragi-comedie  de  Tobie  of  Mile  des  Roches.  From  statements  made 
in  the  prologue  of  the  latter  play  it  seems  that  the  author  outlined 
a  dramatization  of  the  whole  story,  but  versified  only  the  one  act 
and  fragmentary  passages,  all  of  which  have  been  incorporated 
by  Iacques  Ouyn  into  his  own  play,  published  in  1606,  but 
written  as  early  as  1597,  the  date  of  the  privilege.4  Ouyn  does 
not  hesitate  to  acknowledge  what  he  has  borrowed  from  Mile 
des  Roches,  "  laquelle  dicte  Acte  iay  apropriee  en  son  rang 
quatriesme,  qui  m'a  a  la  verite  beaucoup  ou  plus  couste  a  entrer, 
que  si  ie  ne  l'eusse  iamais  veue."  5  In  the  final  form  of  the  play 
the  story  is  dramatized  in  full,  with  the  following  personages  as 
interlocutors  :  Thobie,  le  pere  ;  Anne,  sa  femme  ;  Thobie,  leur  fils  ; 
Raphael,  Aug e  dit  Azarie;  Raguel;  Anne,  sa  femme;  Sarra  ;  Le 
voisin;  La  servante  ;   le  chocur  ;    Gab  el ;   voisins. 

1  Page  32. 

2  In  1550,  -53,   -61,  -65,  and  -76.     Cf.    Mistere  du  Viel  Testament,   n,    page 
xlix  seq. 

3  Lines  38585-39688. 

4  A  play  on  this  subject  called  the   Ystoire  de  Tobie  was  played  at  Amiens  in 
1581.     Cf.  Mistere  du  Viel  Testament,  V,  page  xviii. 

5  'Thobie,  Argument. 


58  The  French  Tragi- Comedy: 

Thobie  le  pere,  having  decided  to  dwell  at  home  after  the  death 
of  Sennacherib,  has  sent  his  son  to  invite  friends  to  dinner.  The 
young  man  returns  from  his  errand  with  the  news  that  "  un  corps 
mort  sur  la  terre  gisait."  His  father  wishes  to  bury  the  body, 
but  remembers  that  he  has  a  relative  visiting  him,  whom  he 
ought  not  to  leave.  The  arrival  of  this  relative  occasions  a 
natural  and  prosaic  conversation  : 

' '  Soyez  bien  revenu  mon  Compere  Thobie 
Vrayment  ie  ne  pensois  iamais  vous  voir  en  vie, 
Dieu  S9ait  combien  de  fois  ie  vous  ay  regrette, 
Et  combien  vostre  fils  chez  moy  ay  souhaitte. 
Thobie  le  pere :   Ne  parlons  de  cela,  quittons  la  facherie 
Mon  fils,  donne  a  laver,  etc." 

They  proceed  to  dinner,  in  the  midst  of  which  the  host  excuses 
himself  to  bury  the  dead  body,  much  to  the  dissatisfaction  of  his 
guest  and  his  wife.     The  former  says  : 

' '  Inviter  ses  amis,  pour  ainsi  les  quitter, 
A  proprement  parler,  c'  est,  c'  est  les  despiter, ' ' 

while  Anne  declares : 

"  Mais  c'est  un  vitupere 
D'aller  iournellement  dans  cbasque  Cymetiere 
Enfouir  tant  de  corps,  cela  ne  m' agree  point." 

Her  husband  now  returns  blinded,  and  explains  how  he  became 

so.     Anne  does  not  lose  the  opportunity  of  pointing    out   her 

foresight : 

' '  Ne  disois-ie  pas  bien,  voyez,  comme  il  endure. 
Tu  scauras  maintenant  si  ton  Dieu  aura  cure 
De  ton  affliction." 

Though  rebuked  by  her  son,  she  laments  the  loss  of  income,  sure 
to  follow  her  husbaud's  affliction. 

In  the  second  act  Anne  describes  to  her  son  the  family  of  their 
relative,  Raguel,  the  beauty  of  his  daughter,  Sarra,  and  the  fate 
of  her  seven  unfortunate  husbands,  "  tous  estranglez  et  en  terre 
estendus"  by  Asmodeus.  She  then  distresses  her  husband  by 
telling  him  of  Sarra's  misfortunes.  This  act  forms  a  digression 
that  violates  the  unity  of  the  play  and  serves  merely  to  inform  the 
audience  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  house  of  Raguel. 


Its  Origin  and  Development  59 

Thobie  le  pere  now  sends  his  son  en  Ragez  to  collect  money 
owed  him  by  Gabel.  Azarie,  the  disguised  angel,  accompanies 
him  as  guide.  On  the  way,  young  Thobie  is  bitten  by  "  un 
animal  ou  bien  quelque  poisson,"  certain  parts  of  which  Azarie 
advises  him  to  preserve.  This  brings  the  reader  to  the  fourth  act, 
written  by  Mile  des  Roches  in  a  style  superior  to  that  of  Ouyn. 
After  explaining  the  magic  properties  of  the  fish's  parts,  Azarie 
bids  Thobie  ask  for  shelter  at  the  house  of  Raguel  hard  by  and 
seek  to  win  the  hand  of  his  daughter.  Thobie  hesitates  for  fear 
of  sharing  the  fate  of  Sarra's  seven  husbands,  observing  naively  : 

"  Les  homines  ont  sou  vent  des  femmes  deux  ou  trois 
Mais  la  vie  iamais  ils  ne  l'ont  qu'une  fois." 

But  Azarie  explains  how  he  can  escape  by  a  proper  use  of  the 
fish's  parts.  A  Choeur  des  Femmes  indicates  the  way  to  the  house, 
where  the  two  are  well  received  and  Thobie  explains  the  object 
of  his  journey.  When  alone  with  Azarie,  he  admits  that  he  has 
fallen  in  love  with  Sarra,  who  is  presented  in  the  next  scene 
conversing  with  la  servante.  The  latter  accuses  her  of  having 
murdered  her  husbands,  whereupon  Sarra  replies  : 

"On  vous  prend  seulement  pour  faire  le  menage 
Et  non  pour  babiller  et  causer  a  chascun." 

Shortly  after,  she  soliloquizes  concerning  her  love  for  Thobie, 
whom  she  fears  to  marry,  lest  he  suffer  the  fate  of  the  other 
victims  of  Asmodeus.  When  she  has  been  convinced,  however, 
that  Thobie  will  escape,  the  marriage  is  quickly  arranged. 

Ouyn  resumes  the  dramatization  in  the  fifth  act  with  a  con- 
versation between  Azarie  and  Gabel,  the  debtor  of  Thobie  le  pere. 
As  the  latter  consents  to  pay  his  debt,  Thobie  prepares  to  return 
home  with  the  money.  The  scene  in  which  Thobie  and  his  wife 
take  leave  of  the  latter's  parents  is  from  the  pen  of  Mile  des 
Roches,  as  is  also  a  lamentation  from  Thobie  le  pere  and  Anne 
over  the  absence  of  their  son.  Their  grief  is  turned  into  joy  by 
the  arrival  of  the  young  people,  who  bring  the  fish-gall  by  which 
the  father's  eyesight  is  restored.  The  identity  of  Azarie  is  now 
disclosed  and  the  play  ends  with  a  thanksgiving  from  young 
Thobie. 


60  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

This  tragi-comedy  may  with  equal  propriety  be  called  a  drame 
bourgeois,  if  one  considers  the  rank  of  the  personages  represented 
in  it  and  the  sentiments  they  express.  The  character  of  Anne,  a 
typical  housewife  swayed  by  small  practical  considerations,  is  very 
well  drawn.  Thobie  le  pere  is  too  austere,  his  son  too  timid  and 
sanctimonious  to  obtain  sympathetic  appreciation.  The  delinea- 
tion of  Sarra's  character  does  credit  to  Mile  des  Roches,  especially 
when  she  expresses  the  conflicting  emotions  induced  by  her  love 
of  Thobie  and  her  fear  that  he  may  suffer  the  fate  of  her  former 
husbands : 

"  Dois-ie  brusler  touiours  sans  descouvrir  ma  flamme? 
Dois-ie  faire  mourir  celui  qui  tient  mon  ame  ? 
Faut-il  done  tant  souffrir  et  ne  le  dire  pas  ? 
Faut-il  mener  aussi  mon  ami  au  trespas  ? 
Ah  !  mon  Dieu  !  meurs  plutost,  Sarra,  que  d'estre  cause 
De  la  mort  de  celui  ou  ta  vie  est  enclose."  x 

Faguet 2  has  pointed  out  that  this  tragi-comedy  shows  dramatic 
unity  only  in  the  part  written  by  Mile  des  Roches,  who  concerns 
herself  chiefly  with  the  love  of  Thobie  and  Sarra.  Her  single 
act,  however,  forms  a  small  part  of  the  play  published  by  Ouyn. 
The  latter  author  has  dramatized  freely  the  whole  Apocryphal 
story  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  the  drame  litre.  Two 
distinct  plots,  one  concerned  with  the  welfare  of  Thobie  le  pere, 
his  blindness  and  recovery,  the  other  with  the  affairs  of  young 
Thobie  and  Sarra,  are  crudely  connected  in  order  to  fill  five  acts. 
The  unities  of  place  and  time  are  obviously  violated,  as  the  action 
takes  place  in  different  countries  during  the  space  of  several 
months,  at  the  least.  There  is,  however,  a  unity  of  interest  in 
the  affairs  of  young  Thobie,  while  the  lesson  of  divine  providence 
is  taught  throughout. 

This  is  the  last  fifteenth-century  tragi-comedy  of  biblical  plot. 
While  its  religious  and  bourgeois  spirit  distinguishes  it  from  tragi- 
comedies of  the  following  century,  it  anticipates  them  in  the 
important  place   assigned   a    love-affair,   an    element    lacking  in 

1  iv,  6.    The  entire  scene  is  a  happy  addition  to  the  Apocryphal  account. 

2  For  reference  see  Appendix  B,  I. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  61 

preceding  biblical  members  of  the  genre.  In  this  respect  it 
resembles  the  tragi-comedies  of  romanesque  plot  that  are  now  to 
be  discussed. 


III.   The  Mystere  of  Romanesque  Plot  as 
Tragi-Comedy. 

Especial  importance  is  attached  to  this  group  of  secular  and 
romanesque  plays,  which  furnished  to  the  genre  its  best  known  six- 
teenth century  examples  and  formed  the  type  that  became,  in  the 
hands  of  Hardy,  the  tragi-comedy  par-excellence.  First  among 
them  chronologically  is  the  lost  play  on  Ariosto's  story  of 
Ginevra,1  performed  at  Fontainebleau  in  1564.  The  fullest  account 
of  the  presentation  tells  of  a  "  tragi-comedie  que  la  Royne,  mere  du 
Roy  fit  iouer  en  son  festin,  la  plus  belle,  et  aussi  bien  et  artistement 
representee  que  l'on  pourroit  imaginer,  et  de  laquelle  le  due 
d'Aniou,  a  present  roy,  voulut  estre,  et  auec  luy,  Marguerite  de 
France  sa  soeur  a  present  royne  de  Navarre,  et  plusieurs  princes 
et  princesses,  comme  le  prince  de  Cond6,  Henry  de  Lorraine  due 
de  Guise,  la  duchesse  de  Nevers,  la  duchesse  d'Uzes,  le  due  de 
Rets  auiourd'huy  mareschal  de  France,  Villequier  et  quelques 
autres  seigneurs  de  la  cour.  Et  apres  la  comedie  qui  fut  admiree 
d'un  chacun  .  .  ."  2 

The  other  writers  cited  by  Madeleine  in  his  admirable  study  of 
the  play  make  certain  the  subject  of  the  piece,  but  do  not  give  the 
name.  It  has  been  called  Genievre  on  account  of  this  subject. 
The  evidence  that  it  was  considered  a  tragi-comedy  comes  from 
Castelnau,  who,  however,  also  calls  it  a  comedie.  As  the  other 
authors  refer  to  it  by  the  latter  appellation,  it  seems  probable  that 
it  was  known  as  a  comedy,  but  the  character  of  its  subject  classes 
it  among  tragi-comedies,  a  conclusion  supported  by  the  usage  of 
Claude  Billard,  who  published  in  1610  a  Genevrc  tragecomedie. 
The  loss  of  the  play  is  unfortunate,  as  it  would  furnish  an  early 

1  Orlando  Furioso,  IV,  56-72,  V,  vr,  2-16. 

2Castelnau,  Memoires,  in  Memoires  relatifs  <2  V  Histoire  de  France  (Michaud  et 
Poujoulat,  Paris,  1857),  x,  499. 


62  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

example  of  a  modern  romanesque  play,  the  appearance  of  which  in 
France  is  due  to  no  foreign  dramatic  influence.  The  subject 
treated  is  thoroughly  in  keeping  with  those  employed  in  tragi- 
comedies of  the  seventeenth  century. 

The  Lucelle  of  Louis  Le  Jars  displays  romanesque  qualities  that 
make  appropriate  its  classification  here.  In  many  respects  it  is 
rather  a  comedie  bourgeoise,  not  in  keeping  with  the  later  traditions 
of  the  tragi-comedy.  As  the  work  has  been  fully  analyzed  by 
Faguet,  Toldo,  and  Schlensog,1  I  shall  give  only  a  brief  outline 
of  the  plot. 

The  personages  are  le  Baron  de  Sainct-amour,  le  sieur  de  Bel- 
acueil,  Bonaduenture,  le  sieur  Carpony,  Lucelle  sajille,  Marguerite, 
Philippin  faltere",  Ascagne,  le  Capitaine  Baustruld,  le  sire  Claude. 
The  baron  seeks  to  win  the  hand  of  Lucelle,  daughter  of  Carpony, 
a  banker  of  Lyon.  He  obtains  the  father's  consent,  but  has  no 
success  with  Lucelle,  who  loves  Ascagne,  her  father's  clerk.  As 
the  latter  realizes  his  humble  position  too  fully  to  speak  his  love, 
Lucelle  makes  known  her  passion,  finds  it  reciprocated,  and  accom- 
plishes a  secret  marriage.  Carpony,  finding  the  lovers  together, 
is  so  deeply  offended  that  he  sends  for  poison,  which  he  forces 
them  to  drink.  When  they  have  become  unconscious,  Baustruld 
arrives  with  the  surprising  information  that  Ascagne  is  the  dis- 
guised Chastelain  de  Posnanie,  son  of  the  Prince  Palatin  de  Vuala- 
chie  en  Pologne.  Carponi  falls  into  great  distress  over  the  murder 
he  has  committed,  but  Claude  apoticaire  suddenly  enters  with  the 
pleasing  intelligence  that  the  poison  was  only  a  sleeping  draught. 
The  lovers,  restored  to  consciousness,  arrange  a  marriage  amid 
general  rejoicing.  Even  the  baron  seems  to  be  satisfied,  as  he  dis- 
covers that  he  is  some  relation  of  the  new-found  prince. 

To  this  romanesque  plot  are  added  numerous  farcical  discourses 
from  the  valet,  Philippin,  and  lengthy  generalizations  from  the 
baron.  The  unity  of  action  is  violated  by  these  digressions,  by  the 
large  part  of  the  first  three  acts  devoted  to  the  baron's  courtship, 
and  by  the  denouement,  which,  instead  of  developing  from  the  pre- 
ceding action,  is  accomplished  by  the  arrival  of  a  deus  ex  machind. 

1  For  references  see  Appendix  B,  i. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  63 

The  violation  of  the  unities  of  time  and  place  are  shown  by 
Schlensog.1 

The  fact  that  the  play  is  thoroughly  bourgeois  in  spirit  is  not 
disguised  by  the  lofty  rank  assigned  the  hero  at  the  end  of  it. 
Ascagne's  conversation  and  bearing  place  him  in  the  middle  class 
of  society  along  with  Carpony  and  Lucelle.  The  baron,  whose 
role  is  subordinate,  is  the  only  aristocrat  in  the  work-.  This  fact, 
taken  in  connection  with  the  large  comic  element  introduced  into 
it  by  the  valet,  the  author's  use  of  prose,  and  the  derivation  of  the 
plot  from  an  Italian  comedy,2  makes  of  the  play  a  comedie  bourgeoise 
rather  than  a  tragi-comedy.  A  play  of  somewhat  similar  type  is 
Ouyn's  Thobie,3  which  lacks,  however,  the  farcical  elements  of 
iAicelle. 

The  decided  difference  that  exists  between  Lucelle  and  other 
plays  of  this  romanesque  group  seems  due  to  its  Italian  dramatic 
origin.  Had  other  sixteenth  century  tragi-comedies  been  derived 
from  Italian  plays,  the  term  would  soon  have  become  the  equiva- 
lent of  comedy.  As  it  was,  Lucelle  stood  largely  alone,  finding 
no  follower  in  the  genre  before  L' Innocence  Descouverte  (1609), 
where,  however,  though  the  comic  element  was  equally  large,  the 
principal  personages  were  aristocrats.4 

Undoubtedly  the  best  known  tragi-comedy  of  the  sixteenth 
century  is  the  Bradamante  of  Robert  Gamier,  long  considered  the 
first  example  of  the  genre  in  France.  It  is  the  most  thoroughly 
romanesque  tragi-comedy  before  Hardy's  Theagene  et  Cartel ee. 
As  it  has  been  exhaustively  analyzed  by  Ebert,  Faguet,  and 
others,5  I  shall  give  merely  a  brief  account  of  the  plot.  The 
personages  are  Charlemagne,  Nymes  (due  de  Bauieres),  Aymon, 
Beatrix,  Renaud,  La  Roque,  Bradamante,  Leon,  Roger,  Hippalque, 
La  Montague,  Marphise,  Basile  (due  d'Athenes),  Ambassadeurs  de 
Bulgarie  and  Melisse.     The  plot,  derived  from  cantos  44,  45,  46 

1  Lucelle,  13-14. 

2  L1  Amor  costante  by  Alessandro  Piccolomini  (1540). 

3  See  above,  page  57  seq. 

4  For  an  excellent  criticism  of  the  composition  of  Lucelle.  and  the  characters  of 
its  personages,  cf.  Faguet  as  cited  in  Appendix  B,  n. 

5Cf.  Appendix  B,  i. 


64  The  French   Tragi-  Comedy : 

of  the  Orlando  Furioso,  concerns  the  marriage  of  Roger  and 
Bradamante.  The  latter' s  parents  insist  on  her  marrying  Leon, 
son  of  the  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  although  she  is  in  love 
with  Roger.  Charlemagne,  however,  has  decreed  that  she  shall 
marry  him  only  who  can  conquer  her  in  a  duel.  Leon,  who  has 
saved  Roger's  life,  but  does  not  know  his  name,  now  appears  with 
this  warrior,,  who  has  promised  to  fight  Leon's  battles  for  him. 
Roger,  disguised  under  Leon's  armor,  is  thus  forced  to  fight  against 
his  beloved  Bradamante,  knowing  that  if  he  is  victorious,  she 
will  be  married  to  Leon.  Despite  his  anguish  at  this  state  of 
things,  he  fights  so  skillfully  against  Bradamante  that  he  is 
declared  victorious  and  she  is  awarded  to  Leon.  The  lovers  are 
both  in  despair,  but  their  friends,  by  reminding  Charlemagne  that 
he  has  promised  Bradamante  to  Roger,  persuade  him  to  let  the 
matter  be  decided  by  a  duel  between  that  knight  and  Leon.  To 
this  the  latter  agrees,  trusting  that  his  friend  Roger,  whose  iden- 
tity he  does  not  know,  will  fight  for  him  against  the  Roger  with 
whom  he  is  unacquainted.  Now,  however,  he  finds  Roger  lament- 
ing in  the  woods  the  loss  of  Bradamante,  discovers  who  he  is,  aud 
generously  yields  her  to  him.  Meantime  the  consent  of  Brada- 
mante's  parents  to  her  marriage  with  Roger  is  obtained  through 
the  timely  arrival  of  ambassadors  from  Bulgaria,  come  to  offer 
Roger  the  crown  of  their  country.  The  marriage  is  arranged  amid 
general  satisfaction,  while  Leon  is  solaced  by  the  promise  of 
Charlemagne's  daughter — a  double  denouement  that  recurs  fre- 
quently in  the  tragi-comedy  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

The  romanesque  elements  of  this  non-historic  plot,  based  on 
love,  developed  by  a  duel  between  two  lovers,  and  concluded  by 
the  offer  of  a  throne  to  the  hero  ;  the  lofty  rank  of  the  personages, 
who  include  Charlemagne  and  the  son  of  the  Emperor  of  Con- 
stantinople ;  the  serious  subject  and  happy  denouement ;  the  comic 
elements  that  appear,  especially  in  the  character  of  Aymon ;  the 
violation  of  the  unities ;  the  use  of  Alexandrines,  division  into 
acts  and  scenes,  and  absence  of  the  chorus : — these  qualities  make 
this  the  tragi-comedy  of  the  sixteenth  century  that  most  nearly 
approaches  the  type  established  for  the  genre  by  Hardy  and  his 
contemporaries.     It  differs,  however,  from  subsequent  tragi-come- 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  65 

dies  by  the  evidences  of  classic  influence  in  the  structure  of  the 
piece,  for  though  it  violates  the  unity  of  action  by  the  arrival  of 
the  ambassadors,  an  event  unconnected  with  the  rest  of  the  play, 
yet  there  is  an  obvious  attempt  at  selecting  for  dramatization  only 
those  parts  of  Ariosto's  tale  that  closely  concern  the  love  intrigue. 
Earlier  incidents,  such  as  Roger's  display  of  prowess  in  Bulgaria, 
his  capture  by  the  Greeks  and  rescue  by  Leon  are  recited,  not 
acted.  The  duel  between  Roger  and  Bradamante  takes  place 
behind  the  scenes,  according  to  classical  rule  and  contrary  to  the 
usage  of  later  tragi-comedies.  Classical  again  is  the  subordinate 
r6le  of  Hippalque,  a  typical  confidante.  Such  elements  were, 
indeed,  to  be  expected  from  the  pen  of  Gamier,  whose  other  plays 
were  essentially  classical.  It  is  surprising  that,  despite  the  influ- 
ence of  his  tragedies,  he  created  the  tragi-comedy  that  in  many 
respects  most  closely  resembles  the  type  established  in  the  seven- 
teenth century.1 

The  resemblance  in  plot  existing  between  La  Polyxene  and  the 
medieval  Miracle  de  la  marquise  de  la  Gaudine  has  been  indicated 
above.2  As  the  former  play  has  been  neglected  by  critics  of  the 
French  stage,  it  demands  a  somewhat  detailed  analysis.  The 
author  states  that  the  plot  is  taken  from  "  le  docte  Boisteau  au 
premier  livre  des  histoires  Tragiques3  histoire  6."  The  latter 
writer  translated  it  from  the  novella  of  Bandello  called  Amove 
di  don  Giovanni  di  Mendozza  e  delta  duchessa  di  Savoia.4  Though 
thus  based  directly  on  a  collection  of  tales,  the  story  goes  back  to 
the  Marquise  de  la  Gaudine,  the  plot  of  which  is  derived,  according 
to  Petit  de  Julleville,5  from  "  une  ancienne  chanson  de  geste  qui 
nous  est  parvenue  dans  une  redaction  francaise  italienisee,  que  M. 
Guessard  a  publiee  sous  le  titre  de  Macaire."  6 

1 1  do  not  discuss  this  play  at  greater  length,  as  it  has  been  admirably  criticized 
by  Ebert  and  Faguet.     For  references  see  Appendix  B,  I. 

2  Page  9. 

3Cf.  Pierre  Bouestuau,  Histoires  tragiques,  Paris,  1559. 

4  Novelle  di  Matteo  Bandello,  novella  44,  Florence,  1832. 

bLes  Mysteres,  n,  253. 

6Cf.  Macaire  Chanson  de  Geste,  in  Anciens  Poeles  de  la  France,  ix,  Francois 
Guessard,  Paris,  1859-70.     10  vols. 


66  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

The  personages  of  the  drama  are :  Irenophile,  Gentilhomme, 
V amateur  depaix  ;  Irene,  Princesse,  paix  ;  Megalprepie,  Damoiselle, 
la  magnijique ;  Dromon,  le  Courrier ;  Opade,  Gentilhomme  de  la 
suite ;  Polyxene,  Duchesse,  ayant  plusieurs  hostes;  Evandre,  Due  de 
Savoye,  homme  genereux  ;  Le  fol  amour  ;  Philomache,  Page,  aymant 
a  se  battre ;  Philippe,  Page,  aymant  les  chevaux ;  Eubolie,  Damoi- 
selle, donnant  bon  conseil ;  Eulalie,  Damoiselle,  la  bien  disante  ;  Le 
Saint  amour  ;  Mysogyne,  Marquis,  haineux  desfemmes;  Mandosse} 
Chevalier  ;  Panealier,  Conte  ;  Appian,  Medecin  ;  Dicandre,  Premier 
juge,  homme  iuste  ;  Semnandre,  second  juge,  homme  severe  ;  Les  cinq 
chceurs,  dont  le  second  seul  est  de  filles.  The  play  begins  with  a 
four-page  prayer  for  peace,  spoken  by  Irenophile.  Megalprepie 
and  Irene  converse  on  the  same  topic  till  a  courier  announces  to 
the  latter  the  victory  of  her  brother,  Mandosse,  over  the  enemy. 
Irene  resolves  to  go  to  Rome  to  return  thanks.  The  chorus  ends 
the  act  by  invoking  peace  iu  the  following  dull  lines  : 

"  Lors  cesseront  les  assassins 
Les  bruslemens  et  les  ruines 
Les  violemens  et  larcins 
Les  outrages  et  les  rapines. 
Tost  reprendra  Justice  en  main 
Sa  iuste  balance  et  espee 
Alors  sera  du  genre  humain 
Tout  extortion  extirpee." 

On  her  pilgrimage  Irene  visits  Polyxene,  to  whom  she  so 
eloquently  describes  her  brother's  prowess,  that  this  duchess  falls 
in  love  with  him,  although  she  has  never  seen  him.  At  first  she 
struggles  against  this  love,  while  the  chorus  praises  chastity,  but 
in  the  third  act  she  is  forced  by  Le  fol  amour  to  leave  home  with 
Irene,  under  pretence  of  paying  her  vows  to  Saint  Jacques,  but 
resolved  in  reality  to  abandon  herself  to  Mandosse.  The  chorus 
now  deplores  unchastity.  The  two  women  are  cordially  received 
by  Mandosse,  but  Polyxene,  fearing  that  he  does  not  love  her, 
determines  to  continue  on  her  way.  This  resolution  forces  him 
to  declare  his  love  and  beg  her  to  return  quickly,  which  she 
promises  to  do.  But,  meanwhile,  Le  Saint  amour  stirs  up  Poly- 
xene's  husband  to  follow  her,  although  he  does  not  doubt  her 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  67 

chastity.  The  announcement  of  his  approach  awakens  her  dor- 
mant virtue,  so  that  she  resolves  to  give  up  Mandosse  and  return 
home  with  the  duke.  Not  long  after  this,  Le  fol  amour  takes 
revenge  for  this  action  by  inciting  Pancalier,  a  despairing  lover 
of  Polyxene,  to  put  his  nephew  under  her  bed,  while  the  duke  is 
away  from  home,  to  pretend  to  find  him  there,  to  kill  the  nephew 
and  accuse  Polyxene  of  adultery.  The  latter  is  sentenced  to  be 
burnt  unless  some  champion  can  be  found  to  defend  her  innocence. 
Her  friends  send  for  Mandosse  while  the  chorus  ends  the  fourth 
act  by  commenting  on  Fortune's  sudden  changes. 

Disguised  by  his  armor,  Mandosse  now  comes  to  the  rescue, 
conquers  Pancalier  and  forces  him  to  confess  his  guilt  and  the 
innocence  of  Polyxene.  The  latter  sends  for  her  unknown  pro- 
tector, only  to  find  that  he  has  disappeared.  Shortly  afterward 
she  learns  of  her  husband's  death  in  battle,  an  event  that  moves 
her  to  cry, 

' '  O  gouverneur  du  monde,  6  Monarque  eternel 
Pourquoy  tiens  mon  ame  en  cest  enclos  charnel  ? ' ' 

But  she  recovers  from  her  grief  as  soon  as  Mandosse,  hearing  of 
the  duke's  death,  returns  to  prove  his  identity  as  her  champion. 
She  falls  into  his  arms  exclaiming  : 

"  Pauure  ame  des  tourmens  tant  de  fois  agitee, 
Et  lasse  des  assaux  de  fortune  irritee, 
Prens  maintenant  courage  en  te  voyant  au  port, 
En  voyant  pres  de  toy  ton  aide  et  ton  support : 


Mais  un  poinct  seulement  me  chagrine  et  soucie, 

De  pouuoir  satisfaire  a  ceste  grand'  bonte\ 
Mandosse  :        Pestimeray,  Madame,  estre  en  tout  sumionte' 

Par  vous  en  courtoisie,  en  grace  en  gentillesse, 

Si  vous  vous  baissez  tant  enuers  ma  petitesse 

De  me  prendre  a  Espoux. 
Polyxene  :  Vrayment,  mon  bon  Seigneur, 

le  reeoy  plus  icy  de  faueur  et  d'  honneur 

Que  ie  n'en  pourrois  rendre,  et  bien  froide  et  petite 

Est  ceste  recompense." 

The  structure  of  this  piece  is  decidedly  faulty,  for  the  main  plot 
is  dramatized  almost  exclusively  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  acts,  while 


68  The  French  Tragi- Comedy: 

the  first  three,  following  Bandello's  narrative,  are  full  of  extraneous 
matter  that  serves  merely  to  give  the  play  sufficient  length.  The 
action  takes  place  in  both  Spain  and  Italy  during  several  months, 
at  least.  The  story  is  told  ab  ovo,  beginning  with  the  causes  of 
Irene's  journey,  which  was  itself  the  cause  of  the  love-affair 
between  Polyxene  and  Mandosse.  The  preliminary  discourses 
are  delivered  at  great  length,  while  the  important  parts  of  the 
plot  are  too  quickly  narrated,  characteristics  worthy  of  the 
didactic  author,  a  schoolmaster  of  Rouen,  known  by  his  Petit- 
Behourt,  an  abridgment  of  Despauteres's  Rudiment.  His  pedantry 
is  further  shown  by  his  use  of  such  names  as,  Ireuophile  and 
Megalprepie.  Classical  influence  is  seen  in  the  courrier  and  con- 
fidantes, as  well  as  in  the  use  of  the  five  choruses  and  the  recitation 
of  certain  events  that  should  have  been  acted.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  abstract  personages  show  the  influence  of  the  morality.  This 
play  is  in  one  respect  more  dramatic  than  Bradamante,  inasmuch 
as  the  duel  is  here  acted  on  the  stage,  whereas  in  Garnier's  play 
the  contest  between  Roger  and  Bradamante  is  described  to  the 
audience  by  a  third  person. 

The  tragi-comedy  has  an  unnecessarily  large  number  of  person- 
ages, of  whom  many  are  altogether  useless  and  few  possess  indi- 
viduality. Irene,  a  colorless  personality,  appears  in  the  first  two 
acts  to  be  the  heroine  of  the  piece,  but  is  insignificant  in  the  rest 
of  it.  The  characterization  of  Polyxene  is  inconsistent,  for  she  is 
first  represented  as  a  woman  of  easy  virtue,  but  later  held  up 
as  a  model  of  irreproachable  chastity.  One  is  not  moved  by  the 
portrayal  of  slandered  innocence  when  one  knows  that  the  inno- 
cence has  been  preserved  through  forced  separation  from  the 
desired  lover.  Mandosse  is  a  knightly  character  of  few  words 
and  mighty  deeds,  an  agreeable  contrast  to  the  prolix  abstractions, 
who  concern  themselves  with  peace  and  different  kinds  of  love. 
Despite  the  addition  of  these  personages  from  the  moralite',  the 
play  is,  however,  essentially  romanesque,  as  the  plot  is  based  on 
love,  the  heroine  becomes  enamored  of  a  hero  whom  she  has  never 
seen,  she  is  saved  from  the  stake  by  a  duel,  and  she  recognizes  her 
disguised  rescuer  by  means  of  a  ring  she  has  given  him  before  the 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  69 

contest.     Such  elements  make  this  play,  like  others  of  its  class, 
the  prototype  of  the  tragi-comedies  written  by  Alexandre  Hardy. 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  tragi-comedies  that  have  a  roma- 
nesque  plot,  mention  should  be  made  of  two  sixteenth-century  plays 
that  have  the  characteristics  of  such  tragi-comedies,  though  classi- 
fied as  belonging  in  other  genres.  The  first  of  them  is  the  Comedie 
des  Amours  de  Theseus  et  de  Dianira  (5  acts,  prose)  by  Gerard  de 
Vivre  of  Ghent,  published  at  Paris,  1577,  and  republished  in 
Trois  Comedies  frangoises  de  Gerard  de  Vivre,  Gantois  at  Rotterdam 
and  Antwerp,  1589,  and  again  at  Antwerp,  1602.1  Theseus  and 
Dianira  elope  to  Egypt,  where  they  are  captured  by  Tyrrhene, 
who  falls  in  love  with  Dianira,  believing  her  to  be  the  sister  of 
Theseus.  Informed  by  a  letter  from  her  father  that  this  is  not 
the  case,  Tyrrhene  is  about  to  put  the  lovers  to  death,  when 
Anchises,  supposed  father  of  Theseus,  shows  that  the  young  man 
is  the  son  of  Tyrrhene.  This  discovery  appeases  the  ruler's 
wrath,  so  that  the  piece  ends  in  the  marriage  of  the  lovers. 

Equally  romantic  in  plot  is  La  Sophronie  Tragidie  (5  acts, 
verse)  by  Aymard  de  Veins,  published  at  Rouen,  1599,  and  at 
Troyes,  1619.2  Aladin,  king  of  Jerusalem,  seeks  to  save  his  city 
from  capture  by  getting  possession  of  an  image  of  the  Virgin, 
which  suddenly  disappears.  When  he  condemns  all  the  Christians 
in  his  power  to  be  put  to  death  for  the  theft,  Sophronie  accuses 
herself  of  having  stolen  the  image,  in  order  to  save  her  co-religion- 
ists. Olinde,  her  lover,  endeavors  to  save  her  by  implicating 
himself.  Aladin  orders  both  to  be  killed,  but  frees  them  at  the 
last  moment  on  the  intercession  of  Clorinde,  the  famous  female 
warrior.     The  lovers  are  then  happily  united. 

Despite  changes  of  names  and  incidents,  the  plot  of  the  first  of 
these  plays  is  evidently  derived  from  the  romance  of  Heliodorus 
on  which  Hardy  based  his  Theagene  et  Caridee;:i  that  of  the 
second    comes    from   Tasso's  Geriisalemme  Liberata   (n,   strophes 

*La  Valliere,  I,  214-5  ;  Brunet,  v,  1356-7  ;  Mktere  du  Viel  Testament,  I,  p.  xc. 

2  La  Valliere,  I,  325-6;  Brunet,  v,  114. 

3  See  below,  page  120.  Stiefel  is  evidently  mistaken  in  deriving  this  play  from 
Cleitophon  and  Leucippe  of  Achilleus  Tatius,  for  its  plot  is  much  nearer  that  of 
Theagenes  and  Chariclea.    Cf.  A.  L.  Stiefel,  Nachahmung  italienischer  Dramen,  258. 


70  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

1-53).  These  romantic  plots  of  love  unto  death,  rescue  at  the 
last  moment,  oriental  surroundings,  aristocratic  personages,  and 
happy  denouement,  make  the  plays  true  tragi-comedies.  The  fact 
that  they  were  called  comedie  and  tragedie  shows  that  the  term 
tragi-comedie  was  not  fully  established  even  at  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century. 

IV.   The  Farce  as  Tragi-Comedy. 

The  farcical  elements  that  have  been  shown  to  play  an  important 
part  in  Lucelle  and  Caresme  prenant1  constitute  practically  the 
whole  of  La  NouveUe  tragicomique,  a  late  example  of  the  medieval 
farce.  The  piece  is  so  constructed  that  the  reader  cannot  be 
certain  whether  it  was  written  as  a  play  or  a  nouvelle.  Sainte-Beuve 
analyzed  it  as  a  drame  satirique.2  The  greater  part  of  it  is  dia- 
logued after  the  manner  of  medieval  plays,  in  which  the  change 
of  scene,  though  unmarked,  is  sufficiently  indicated  by  the  context. 
Towards  the  end,  however,  events  are  related  by  different  person- 
ages of  the  play,  not  in  dramatic  monologues,  but  in  synopses  that 
tell  of  what  occurs  between  the  dialogues,  interior  speeches  corre- 
sponding to  the  prologue  and  epilogue.  The  system  is  the  same 
as  that  employed  in  Pericles  Prince  of  Tyre,  where  Gower  relates 
the  undramatized  events  of  the  story.  However  subject  to  objec- 
tion such  a  system  may  be,  it  does  not  prevent  the  piece  in  which 
it  is  used  from  being  looked  upon  as  a  dramatic  production. 

The  personages  of  the  play  are :  Ambrelin,  laquais ;  Dominicq 
le  seigneur  ;  Vouly ;  Griffon  advocat ;  Arcquigue  ;  Bergers  ;  Magis 
le  sgavant ;  Candelin  le  portier  de  la  ville  ;  Hospes,  maistre  hosteller  ; 
Chicanoux ;  Gonophage,  femme  de  V advocat;  Furcifer  le  brigand. 
Dominicq,  apprized  of  the  loss  of  "  deux  mille  escus  "  and  the 
death  of  the  servant  in  charge  of  them,  seeks  aid  from  Griffon, 
whom  he  persuades  to  consult  Magis.  Griffon  is  at  first  unwilling 
to  do  so,  calling  the  sooth-sayer : 


1  See  above,  pages  62  and  47. 

2  Tableau,  235. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  71 

' '  une  grosse  teste, 
Un  homme  mal  forme  qui  n'est  rien  qu'une  beste." 

Yielding  at  last,  Griffon  seeks  out  Magis,  whose  dwelling  is  shown 
to  him  by  shepherds.  When  Griffon  tells  of  the  lost  treasure, 
the  sage  replies  : 

"Vous  changez  de  discours  et  n'ay  change  de  teste  ; 
Suis-je  pas  mal  forme  ?     Suis-je  pas  une  beste  ? 
Griffon,  vous  l'avez  diet. 
Griffon  :  Magis,  pardonnez-moy." 

But  Magis  is  resolved  on  vengeance  and,  after  telling  Griffon 
where  to  look  for  the  thief,  assures  him  that  he  will  remember  the 
insult  when  he  finds  the  man. 

Soon  the  lawyer  reaches  Paris,  secures  guards,  and  proceeds  to 
hunt  for  the  robber  in  a  house  of  ill-repute,  kept  by  Hospes. 
After  considerable  parleying,  they  proceed  to  the  room  where 
Furcifer  le  brigand  is  lodged,  break  open  the  door,  and  find  him 
in  company  with  no  other  than  the  wife  of  Griffon.  The  dialogue 
stops  temporarily  while  Hospes  relates  the  scene,  beginning : 

"Si  jamais  on  a  veu  une  ame  perturbee 
II  falloit  voir  Griffon,  sans  combat  combatu, 
Voyant  sa  f emme,  etc. ' ' 

He  is  so  greatly  surprised  that  he  makes  no  effort  to  arrest 
Furcifer,  merely  asking  him  to  explain  his  presence  in  such  com- 
pany. Furcifer  assures  him  that  he  objects  to  no  woman  whom 
he  can  buy.  Then  Candelin,  taking  up  Hospes's  recitation,  tells 
how  Furcifer  quietly  left  the  house  and  sent  the  guard  to  arrest 
Griffon  on  the  ground  that  he  "  luy  retenoit  sa  femme  et  beaucoup 
de  son  bien."  The  lawyer  submits  to  the  arrest  for  fear  of  scandal. 
A  brief  dialogue  follows  between  him  and  Dominicq,  who  deplores 
the  loss  of  his  money,  reminding  Griffon  that  he  has  failed  to 
recover  it  because  of  his  scepticism  regarding  magic.  Hospes 
continues  the  story  by  telling  how  Griffon  was  let  out  of  prison 
after  apologizing  to  his  wife's  family,  who  then  allowed  him  to  be 
reunited  to  her,  celebrating  the  recouciliation  by  "  un  beau  festin," 
which  brings  the  play  to  a  happy  termination. 

This  badly  dramatized  tragi-comedy  contains  two  nearly  distinct 


72  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

actions,  of  which  one  is  concerned  with  an  attempt  to  recover  stolen 
property,  the  other  with  the  betrayal  of  an  advocate  by  his  wife. 
A  weak  attempt  to  unite  the  two  is  made  by  introducing  the  role 
of  Magis  into  the  play,  Griffon's  light  opinion  of  him  and  its 
subsequent  punishment.  Unnecessary  personages  are  introduced 
into  the  piece ;  as,  Vouly,  an  adviser,  Arcquigue,  who  merely 
comments  on  the  play  without  mingling  in  the  action,  the  shep- 
herds, whose  introduction  into  the  action  may  be  due  to  the  rising 
popularity  of  the  pastoral.  The  piece  is  thoroughly  bourgeois  in 
its  subject  and  in  the  rank  and  conversation  of  its  personages. 
The  dialogue  is  full  of  vulgar  humor.  Dominicq's  grief  over  the 
loss  of  his  gold  and  his  servants  is  largely  burlesqued.  The 
scene  at  the  inn  is  full  of  jests  at  the  expense  of  Griffon,  the 
butt  of  the  play. 

The  spirit  of  the  piece  is,  indeed,  that  of  the  farce  rather  than 
the  tragi-comedy.  The  fact  that  the  author  calls  it  a  nouvelle 
tragi-comique  rather  than  a  tragi-comedy  seems  to  indicate  his 
realization  that  it  did  not  fulfill  the  conception  of  the  genre 
already  developed  in  the  public  mind.  At  the  time  when  it  was 
written,  however,  it  could  be  called  a  tragi-comedy,  as  it  con- 
tinued the  traditions  of  certain  medieval  plays,  ended  happily, 
and  showed  by  the  use  of  Alexandrines  the  effect  of  classical 
influence  upon  its  form.  A  few  examples  of  similar  farcical 
tragi-comedies  will  be  noted  in  the  discussion  of  seventeenth 
century  plays.1 

V.   The  Pastoral  and  Foreign  Play  as  Tragi-Comedy. 

This  group,  of  no  importance  in  the  history  of  the  genre,  is 
limited  to  three  plays,  to  which  the  term,  tragi-comedie,  has 
been  loosely  applied.  In  1527  two  translations  of  the  Celestina 
appeared  at  Paris  and  a  third  at  Lyons.  Reprints  were  made  at 
the  former  city  in  1529  and  1542.  The  name,  tragi-comedie, 
appears  in  the  titles  of  none  of  these.  In  1578,  however,  was 
published  La  Celestine  .  .  .  tragi-comedie  jadis  espagnole,2  indicat- 

1  See  below,  page  94.  2  See  Appendix  B,  i. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  73 

ing  the  increased  popularity  of  the  tragi-comedy,  although  the 
term  is  here  a  translation  and  is  not  used  in  the  French  sense, 
for  the  Celestina  is  not  a  tragi-comedy  according  to  French  ideas, 
but,  if  it  be  considered  a  dramatic  production,  it  is  a  comedy  of 
manners  with  tragic  denouement.  Its  influence  is  not  exerted  on 
the  tragi-comedy,  but  on  the  comedy  through  the  Contents  of 
Odet  de  Toumebu.1 

Les  Aveugles,  as  a  translation  of  the  Ceearia,  retains  the  title, 
tragi-comedie,  though  it  is  in  reality  a  pastoral.  To  the  latter 
genre  belongs  also  Tragi-comedie  pastorale  ou  Mylas,  an  adaptation 
of  the  Aminta,  with  the  new  genre-name  taken  from  the  Pastor 
jido.  This  is  the  first  occurrence  of  this  term  in  France,  where 
it  is  used  a  number  of  times  in  the  sixteenth  century  to  indicate  a 
variety  of  pastoral  that  has  been  influenced  by  the  tragi-comedy. 

Another  example  of  the  pastoral  is  found  in  Amour  Vaincu, 
tragecomedie,  in  which  Amour  seeks  to  bring  all  the  gods  under 
his  sway,  but  falls  in  love  himself  with  a  nymph  who  laughs  at 
him.  After  conquering  a  number  of  divinities,  he  is  captured 
when  asleep  and  deprived  of  his  weapons,  so  that  the  play  ends 
in  the  usual  pastoral  fashion  with  the  return  of  all  the  lovers  to 
their  former  mistresses. 

These  plays  have  no  connection  with  other  tragi-comedies  of 
the  sixteenth  or  seventeenth  centuries.  The  application  of  the 
term,  tragi-comedy,  to  them  is  due  either  to  a  translation  of  it 
from  the  foreign  original,  or  to  a  confusion  that  existed  at  this 
time  between  the  tragi-comedy  and  the  pastoral,  owing  to 
Guarini's  denomination  of  the  Pastor  jido  as  a  tragicommedia 
pastorale. 

The  preceding  investigation  of  tragi-comedies  written  during  the 
sixteenth  century  shows  that  the  name  was  at  that  time  applied 
to  a  number  of  dramatic  kinds,  derived  from  the  medieval  stage. 
Distinctions  among  the  classes  of  tragi-comedies,  thus  formed, 
must  not  be  rigorously  made,  as  certain  plays  can  be  put  into  more 
than  one  class.  Thus,  Iokebed  resembles  the  moralite  and  the 
biblical  mystdre  ;  Polyxene,  the  moralite  and  mystPre  of  romanesque 

1  Paris,  1584. 


74  The  French  Tragi-  Comedy  : 

plot ;  Thobie  is  both  biblical  and  romanesque.  Since  the  tragi- 
comedy in  the  sixteenth  century  might  include  any  play  of  happy 
denouement,  which  was  derived  from  the  medieval  drama  and 
showed  in  its  form  evidence  of  classical  influence,  there  is  no 
reason  for  calling  the  lost  Genievre,  Lucelle,  or  Bradamante  the 
first  tragi-comedy.1  Accordiug  to  the  conception  of  the  genre  in 
vogue  at  that  time,  V Homme  iustijie  par  Foy  or  Les  Enfants  dans 
la  Fournaise  were  not  only  considered  tragi-comedies,  but  belonged 
to  divisions  of  the  genre  that  left  a  larger  number  of  examples 
than  did  the  romanesque  type,  which  later  became  the  only  form 
of  tragi-comedy.  To  deny  this  fact  is  to  attempt  to  foist  upon 
the  tragi-comedy  of  the  sixteenth  century  the  meaning  attached 
to  it  at  a  subsequent  period. 

But,  although  tragi-comedies  of  the  sixteenth  century  vary 
more  widely  than  they  subsequently  did,  they  have  in  common 
many  characteristics  which  influenced  the  later  composition  of  the 
genre.  Their  failure  to  observe  the  unities  has  beeu  discussed 
after  the  analysis  of  each  play.  Many  of  the  scenes  of  this  genre 
do  not  grow  logically  out  of  those  that  precede,  but  follow  one 
another  largely  by  chance.  Plays  like  H Homme  iustifie  par  Foy, 
La  Gaule,  Iokebed,  Thobie,  Caresme  prenant  include  more  than 
one  important  action.  The  denouement  is  accomplished  by  a 
deus  ex  machind  in  La  Gaule,  Lucelle  and  Bradamante. 

The  time  of  the  action  is  not  always  clearly  indicated,  but 
appears  to  vary  from  a  period  of  more  than  a  year  in  lob, 
Lucelle,  Le  Desespere'  and  Polyxene  to  one  of  a  few  days  in  Brada- 
mante and  Les  Enfants  dans  la  Fournaise. 

Though  the  scene  is  laid  ordinarily  within  a  limited  locality, 
as,  in  a  city ;  it  may  represent  places  at  some  distance  from  one 
another.  In  La  Nouvelle  tragicomique  the  action  takes  place 
within  Paris  and  outside  of  it,  while  in  Polyxene  and  Thobie  it  is 
found  in  more  than  one  country.  Instead  of  the  classical  unities, 
however,   these   tragi-comedies   display   a   unity  of  interest   in  a 

1  Madeleine,  Revue  de  la  Renaissance,  iv  (1903),  30,  and  Tilly,  French  Renais- 
sance, ii,  99,  claim  this  title  for  Genievre;  Schlensog,  Lucelle,  5,  bestows  it  upon 
Lucelle  by  Le  Jars ;  Freres  Parfaict,  in,  454,  and  La  Valliere,  I,  189,  select 
Bradamante  as  the  original  tragi-comedy. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  75 

single  personage  like  Iokebcd  or  Thobie,  or  in  the  accomplish- 
ment of  some  object,  as  is  the  case  in  V Homme  iustijie  par  Foy, 
La  Gaule,  Bradamante,  Polyxene,  IS  Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher. 

The  choice  of  subject  is  influenced  by  the  author's  purpose  of 
instructing  or  amusing;  his  audience.  In  the  moralites  the  end  is 
so  essentially  didactic  that  the  events  are  largely  neglected ;  the 
biblical  plays,  while  pointing  a  moral,  introduce  into  the  piece 
action  that  is  frequently  dramatic  ;  the  tragi-comedies  of  roma- 
nesque,  or  farcical  plot,  reach  the  audience  through  the  emotions 
without  attempting  instruction  of  any  sort.  So  the  plots  are 
religious  or  historical  in  the  didactic  tragi-comedies  and  fictitious 
in  the  rest.  The  Bible  is  the  source  of  U Homme  iustijie  par  Foy, 
Les  EnfanU  dans  la  Fournaise,  lob,  Thobie,  Iokebed,  Le  patriarche 
Abraham  ;  la  Gaule  and  Gamier  Stoffacher  are  declared  by  their 
authors  to  be  historical,  although  the  history  with  which  they  are 
concerned  is  treated  allcgorically.  On  the  other  hand,  the  roma- 
nesque  tragi-comedies  are  based  on  obviously  fictitious  narratives, 
the  Orlando  Furioso,  Amor  Costante,  a  novella  of  Bandello,  and 
the  Jerusalemme  Liberata.1  The  slight  plot  of  La  Nouvelle  tragi- 
comique  is  probably  an  invention  of  its  author. 

In  the  last-named  play,  the  mainspring  of  the  action  is  avarice, 
which  appears  subordinately  in  Lueelle,  Bradamante,  and  Thobie. 
It  is  love  in  the  romanesque  plays,  and  religion  in  the  biblical 
tragi-comedies  and  in  the  majority  of  moralites.  Love  enters 
subordinately  into  Thobie,  as  does  religion  into  Polyxene.  Religion 
struggles  against  pride  in  Les  EnfanU  dans  la  Fournaise,  hypoc- 
risy in  U Homme  iastijie  par  Foy,  and  Satan  and  his  assistants  in 
the  latter  play,  lob,  Thobie,  Iokebed,  and  Gamier  Stoffacher.  Patri- 
otism, which  dominates  religion,  though  working  in  unison  witli  it, 
in  La  Gaule  and  Gamier  Stoffacher,  is  seen  in  the  intermPde  of 
Caresme  prenant  "  touchant  quelques  abus  de  ce  temps,"  in  the 
frequent  expression  of  desires  for  peace  by  personages  in  Polyxene, 
and  in  the  prologue  of  lob,  where  the  author  speaks  of  his  theme, 
as  a 

1  If  Sophronie  be  included  here  ;  see  above,  page  69. 


76  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

"  Sujet  bien  conuenable  a  la  saison  passee, 
Qui  depuis  quelques  ans  a  la  France  oppressee  : 
Et  dont  ie  prie  a  Dieu  que  le  temps  a  venir 
Par  contraires  effets  oste  le  souuenir." 

Particularly  worthy  of  note  are  the  expressions  of  patriotism,  and 
of  admiration  of  France  found  in  Bradamante,  as,  when  the 
heroine  of  the  play  declares, 

"Mais  le  pais  natal  ha  ne  spay  quelle  force, 
Et  ne  spay  quel  appas  qui  les  homines  amorce 
Et  les  attire  a  soy."  * 

Nymes  says  of  the  Saracens, 

"lis  sont  assez  puissans  pour  leurs  terres  defendre, 
Mais  non  pas  pour  oser  contre  vous  entreprendre, 
Pour  la  France  assaillir,  mere  des  Cheualiers, 
Mere  des  bons  soudars,  qu'elle  enfante  a  milliers."  2 

Leon  adds  a  foreigner's  praise  by  speaking  of  "  vostre  France,  en 
Cheualiers  feconde,  Et  feconde  en  vertus."  3 

The  tragi-comedy  was,  indeed,  able  to  appeal  to  the  patriotism 
of  the  audience  to  an  extent  denied  the  classical  tragedy,  by  reason 
of  the  fact  that  the  scene  in  plays  of  the  former  genre  could  be 
laid  in  the  country  in  which  they  were  represented.  In  the 
biblical  plays,  it  is  true,  the  Orient  is  naturally  chosen  for  the 
scene  of  action,  but  in  La  Gaule,  Lucelle,  Bradamante,  Le  Desespere" 
Caresme  prenant,  and  La  Nouvelle  tragicomique  the  scene  is  laid  in 
France,  just  as  the  action  of  L'  Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher  takes 
place  in  Switzerland,  and  that  of  Polyxene  in  Savoy  and  neighbor- 
ing lands.  That  the  audience  responded  to  this  feature  of  the 
tragi-comedy,  along  with  its  other  popular  characteristics,  is  shown 
by  the  number  of  recorded  representations  of  tragi-comedies,  by  the 
extensive  geographical  distribution  of  the  genre  in  France,  and  by 
the  variety  of  professions  represented  by  its  authors. 

It  is  well  established  that  Geni&vre,  lob,  Lokebed,  Bradamante,* 
Gamier  Stoffacher,  Le  patriarche  Abraham,  Polyxene,  Le  Desespere, 
Caresme  prenant,  Amour  Vaincu,  and  Aymee  were  actually  repre- 

ln,  3,  lines  584-86.  *i,  2,  lines  141-4.  sni,  3,  lines  860-1. 

4  Recorded  representations  of  this  play  took  place  in  the  seventeenth  century. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  77 

sented.  IS  Homme  iustifie  par  Foy,  Les  Enfants  dans  la  Fournaise, 
La  Gaxde,  and  Lucelle,  evidently  written  for  representation,  were 
also  probably  produced  on  the  boards.  We  know  that  perform- 
ances took  place  in  the  sixteenth  century  at  Fontainebleau,  Poitiers, 
Antwerp,  Geneva,  Montbeliard,  Rouen,  Bordeaux,  and  Aix-en- 
Provence.  The  plays  were  published  at  Paris,  Geneva,  Poitiers, 
Antwerp,  Rouen,  Tours,  Lyon,  Harlem,  Toulouse,  and  Niort.  If 
Les  Enfants  dans  la  Fournaise  was  acted,  the  event  probably  took 
place  in  Beam,  for  the  author  lived  there  and  dedicated  his  play 
to  Jeanne  d'Albret.  The  tragi-cornedy  was,  therefore,  known  in 
nearly  all  parts  of  France.  That  it  appealed  to  various  classes  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  its  authors  included  Barran,  a  preacher ; 
Behourt,  Heyns,  and  Jean-Georges,  schoolmasters ;  Du  Chesne,  a 
physician ;  Bonet  and  La  Fons,  lawyers ;  Le  Jars,  the  King's 
Secretary  of  the  Chamber ;  Papillon,  a  retired  captain ;  Gamier, 
Sainte-Marthe,  and  Mile  des  Roches,  who  occupied  themselves 
largely  with  literary  pursuits. 

Another  characteristic  of  the  tragi-comedy  that  gave  it  wide 
appeal  was  the  varied  rank  of  its  characters.  Contrary  to  subse- 
quent usage,  tragi-comedies  might  now  be  altogether  bourgeois,  as 
are  le  Desespere,  Caresme  prenant,  La  Nouvelle  tragicomique,  and 
Thobie.  The  principal  personages  are  bourgeois  in  Lucelle  and 
Iokebed,  but  persons  of  high  rank  are  found  in  subordinate  roles. 
Les  Enfants  dans  la  Fournaise,  La  Gaule,  Bradamante,  and  Polyxene 
are  primarily  aristocratic,  though  La  Gaule  admits  the  tiers  etat 
and  soldiers,  and  the  three  other  plays  present  attendants  of 
inferior  rank,  as  do  classical  tragedies. 

As  the  dramatic  art  in  France  was  not  yet  sufficiently  developed 
to  create  roles  thoroughly  consistent  with  life,  the  study  of  char- 
acter in  these  plays  is,  as  a  rule,  crudely  done.  The  personage 
often  embodies  only  a  single  quality,  after  the  manner  of  the 
abstractions  that  enter  into  many  of  these  plays.  He  thus  lacks 
a  sufficient  number  of  emotions  to  rouse  a  psychological  struggle 
within  himself.  The  audience  sees  in  him  the  personification  of 
a  single  virtue  or  vice,  rather  than  the  complex  composition  of 
the  individual.  Occasionally,  however,  a  personage  is  found  in 
such  a  situation  that  his  action  is  dependent,  not  on  external  forces, 


78  Tlie  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

but  on  the  conflict  of  emotions  that  takes  place  within  him.  An 
eminent  example  of  such  a  psychological  struggle  is  seen  in 
Roger's  debate  as  to  whether  he  should  fight  against  Bradamante,1 
where  the  hero  hesitates  between  his  love  and  his  oath.  In  the 
same  play,2  Beatrix  displays  in  conversation  with  Bradamante  a 
hesitation  between  the  maternal  love  that  prompts  her  to  allow 
her  daughter  to  marry  Roger  and  her  ambition  that  makes  her 
prefer  Leon  as  son-in-law.  Similarly,  Sarra  struggles  against  her 
love  of  Thobie 3  for  fear  of  causing  his  death,  Polyxene  wavers 
between  yielding  to  Mandosse  and  remaining  faithful  to  her 
husband,4  and  the  midwives  in  Iokebed5  debate  the  question  of 
saving  the  young  Hebrews  at  the  cost  of  disobedience  and 
deception.  These  passages,  however,  take  up  but  a  small  portion 
of  plays  that  are  more  largely  concerned  with  the  events  them- 
selves, than  with  the  mental  processes  that  bring  them  about. 
There  is  nothing  to  compare  with  the  heroic  struggle  in  the  mind 
of  Chimene.  On  the  other  hand,  opportunities  of  expressing 
psychological  study  are  neglected ;  as,  when  Nabochodonosor 
shows  no  hesitation  in  declaring  himself  divine,  Carpony  in 
directing  his  daughter's  murder,  or  Polyxene's  husband  in 
condemning  her  to  be  burnt.6  The  struggle  in  Sidrach's  mind 
between  human  and  divine  guidance  is  ended  almost  as  soon  as 
it  begins.7 

A  number  of  types  are  found  in  these  plays.  The  protagonists 
of  La  Gaule  and  L*  Homme  iustifie"  par  Foy  have  utterly  weak 
characters,  swayed  by  all  those  with  whom  they  come  into  contact. 
With  them  may  be  compared  Gent-Israelite  in  Iokebed  and  La 
Paix  in  L' Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher.  The  worthy  hero,  whose 
virtues  are  bourgeois  rather  than  warlike,  is  represented  by 
Ascagne  in  Lucelle,  Charles  in  Le  Desespere,  and  Thobie  in  the 
play  that  bears  his  name.  The  invincible  warrior  is  exemplified 
by  Roger  in  Bradamante,  Mandosse  in  Polyxene,  and  Gamier  in 
IJ  Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher.     To  these  two  varieties  of  hero 

1  Bradamante,  m,  5.  2  Ibidem,  II,  3.  3  Thobie,  IV,  6. 

4  Polyxene,  n  and  III.  6  Iokebed,  IV,  5. 

6  See  above,  pages  50,  62,  67.  7  See  above,  page  50. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  79 

correspond  the  bourgeois  class  of  heroines  that  includes  Sarra, 
Lucelle,  and  Iokebed,  and  the  aristocratic,  represented  by  Brada- 
mante  and  Polyxene.  The  villain  is  a  rare  type,  except  in  such 
abstractions  as  Concupiscence,  Volupte,  Gloutonie,  Cruaute,  Lefol 
amour,  or  such  personages  as  -Rabby  and  Bellone,  abstractions 
under  another  name.  Nabochodonosor  is  scarcely  a  villain,  as  he 
offers  to  pardon  the  three  children  for  their  first  offense,  and 
honors  them  at  the  end  of  the  piece.  Carpony  is  hardly  a  serious 
character.  The  only  true  villains  are  Pancalier  in  Polyxene  and 
Furcifer  in  La  Nouvelle  tragicomique,  who  are  seen  little  on  the 
stage. 

Nabochodonosor  has  been  mentioned l  as  the  first  representative  of 
the  tragi-comic  type  of  king  that  will  be  frequently  met  in  the 
seventeenth  century.  Charlemagne  presents  a  somewhat  similar 
character,  with  less  pride  and  greater  weakness  of  purpose.  All  his 
actions  are  suggested  by  others.  Charles  plays  too  small  a  part  in 
La  Gaule  to  be  criticized.  Thermuth  in  Iokebed  is  an  amiably  un- 
interesting princess.  Leon,  with  his  timidity,  generosity,  and 
frank  admiration  for  Bradamante  is  a  more  sympathetic  character 
than  men  of  sterner  virtues.  The  fact  that  he  is  not  made  ridicu- 
lous by  the  contrast  of  his  character  with  that  of  Roger  is  an 
indication  of  the  dramatic  skill  of  the  author  of  Bradamante. 

The  bourgeois  and  his  wife  are  usually  well  drawn.  Carpony 
and  Thobie  le  pere  are  typical  of  their  class,  to  which,  on  account  of 
his  love  of  money  and  desire  for  high  rank,  may  be  added  Aymon, 
father  of  Bradamante.  Similarly  Beatrix,  however  aristocratic  in 
origin,  shows  the  family  affection  and  lack  of  high  ideal  that 
characterizes  the  bourgeoise.  Still  more  appropriately  depicted  is 
the  character  of  Anne,  the  simple  housewife,  unmoved  by  the  un- 
practical altruism  of  her  husband  and  son.  Among  other  person- 
ages are  to  be  noted  Griffon,  the  lawyer,  akin  to  Pathelin  and 
Sganarelle ;  Magis,  the  magician,  who  belongs  to  a  type  especially 
frequent  in  the  tragi-comedie  pastorale  ;  Claude,  the  apothecary, 
restorer  of  Lucelle  and  Ascagne  ;  Raguel,  the  divine  agent,  who 
may  be  compared  to  the  abstract  virtues.     Attendants  and  mes- 

1  See  above,  page  52. 


80  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

sengers  are  also  introduced  into  these  plays.  The  latter  type  is 
found  evidencing  classical  imitation  in  Lucelle,  Bradamante  and 
E  Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher  ;  the  former  occurs  in  the  first  two 
of  these  plays,  in  Les  Enfants  dans  la  Fournaise,  Lokebed,  Polyxene, 
Le  Desespere,  Thobie,  and  La  Nouvelle  tragicomique.  Of  especial 
importance  among  such  personages  are  Philippin,  the  irrepressible 
wag,  in  Lucelle,  who  plays  the  part  of  the  valet  after  Italian  ex- 
ample ;  the  scolding  maid  in  Thobie ;  and  the  role  of  confidante 
that  shows  classical  influence,  exemplified  by  Hippalque  in  Brada- 
mante, Eubolie  in  Polyxene,  and  Marguerite  in  Lucelle.  Other 
minor  personages  are  added  in  many  of  the  plays,  so  that  the  total 
number  of  characters  is  large  in  comparison  with  the  usage  of  the 
classical  stage.  Thus,  Polyxene  has  nineteen  persons  besides  the 
chorus,  while  Caresme  prenant  has  twenty-nine  in  all.  Usually, 
however,  the  number  is  smaller,  amounting  in  Gamier  Stoffacher 
to  only  four,  in  addition  to  the  three  choruses. 

There  seems  to  have  been  no  restriction  as  to  the  number  of 
personages  that  appeared  on  the  stage  at  a  time,  or  that  took  part 
in  the  conversation.  The  dialogue  is  used  more  extensively  than 
in  contemporary  classical  plays,  a  fact  that  has  been  noted  by 
Faguet  in  comparing  Bradamante  with  tragedies  written  by  the 
same  author.1  Monologues  are  occasionally  employed  to  excess 
in  tragi-comedies,  however;  as,  in  Polyxene,  Lokebed,  and  espe- 
cially Gamier  Stoffacher. 

While  the  subject  of  most  of  these  tragi-comedies  is  essentially 
serious,  comic  elements  are  admitted  into  certain  plays.  The 
character  of  Aymon  in  Bradamante  is  distinctly  humorous. 
The  Satellites  introduce  a  grim  humor  into  Les  Enfants  dans  la 
Fournaise.  Caresme  prenant  includes  a  farce.  Several  personages 
in  Lucelle,  particularly  Philippin,  show  decided  humor.  In  all 
of  these,  however,  such  passages  are  subordinate  to  the  serious 
portions  of  the  play.  The  only  extant  tragi-comedy  that  is  an 
exception  to  this  is  La  Nouvelle  tragicomique. 

The  denouement  in  all  these  plays  is  happy  for  the  persons 
principally  concerned.     E Homme  and  Le  Voluptueux  in  E Homme 

1  Tragediefrangaise,  215. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  81 

iustifie  and  Oaresme  prenant  finally  attain  salvation ;  the  three 
children  escape  from  the  furnace ;  La  Gaule,  lob,  and  Iokebed 
are  freed  from  their  troubles ;  peace  is  brought  by  Gamier 
Stoffacher ;  Lucelle,  Bradamante,  Thobie,  Polyxene,  and  Charles 
of  Le  Desespere  are  fortunately  married.  Even  in  La  Nouvelle 
tragieomique  the  lawyer  and  his  wife  are  reunited  at  the  end. 

In  form  the  tragi-comedies  show  some  variation  from  classical 
usage.  A  marked  division  iuto  five  acts,  with  subdivisions  into 
scenes,  is  the  rule,  to  which  the  following  exceptions  are  found  : 
the  division  into  acts  in  Lex  Enfants  clans  la  Fournaise  is  indi- 
cated only  by  the  presence  of  the  choruses ;  in  La  Nouvelle 
tragieomique  no  such  division  is  made ;  in  La  Gaule  there  are 
only  four  acts  ;  in  Gamier  Stoffacher  only  three ;  in  none  of  these 
four  plays  are  there  subdivisions  into  scenes.  The  Alexandrine 
is  the  meter  employed  in  Bradamante,  Le  Desespere  and  La 
Nouvelle  tragieomique,  and  in  all  but  lyric  portions  of  lob, 
La  Gaule,  Thobie,  and  Polyxene.  In  L'Homme  iustifie  and  Les 
Enfante  dans  la  Fournaise  verses  of  ten  and  eight  syllables  are 
employed  instead  of  Alexandrines,  except  in  the  prologue  and 
epilogue  of  the  latter  play.  No  apparent  distinction  is  made  in 
the  use  of  the  two  kinds  of  verse.  The  former  play  shows  verses 
of  six  syllables,  furthermore,  in  the  ninth  scene  of  the  first  act, 
perhaps  in  order  that  the  lightness  of  the  meter  may  correspond 
to  the  pleasures  that  L' 'Homme  anticipates  in  yielding  to  Concupi- 
scence. Verses  of  eight  syllables  are  used  in  Caresme  prenant. 
Lucelle  and  Iokebed  employ  prose.  Lyric  passages  in  these  plays 
occur  in  the  choruses  and  in  cantiques,  which  are  written  in  verses 
of  six,  seven,  and  eight  syllables,  showing  considerable  variety  in 
rime  order.  The  choruses  in  Les  Enfants  dans  la  Fournaise 
employ  all  three  meters,  using  the  six-syllable  verses  only  in 
connection  with  others  of  greater  length.  The  same  usage  is  seen 
in  La  Gaule,  except  that  no  verses  of  seven  syllables  are  found. 
In  lob  and  the  Thobie  of  Mile  des  Roches  the  lyric  portions  are 
written  in  verses  of  seven  syllables;  L' Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher 
has  choruses  in  eight-syllable  verse,  Iokebed  a  cantique  in  six, 
while  Polyxene  uses  both  these  meters. 

The  style  of  these  verses,  both  lyric  and  dramatic,  has  been 


82  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

shown  by  citations  made  in  this  chapter  to  be  frequently  puerile 
and  rarely  imbued  with  poetic  qualities.  This  fact,  coupled  with 
weakness  of  dramatic  conception,  has  prevented  the  tragi-comedy 
of  the  sixteenth  century  from  furnishing  more  than  two  plays  of 
literary  pretensions.  These  are  the  Lucelle  and  Bradamante,  plays 
that  compare  favorably  with  the  classical  tragedies  produced  in 
France  during  this  century,  however  inferior  they  are  to  those  of  a 
later  date.  The  genre  as  a  whole,  furthermore,  is  shown  to  have 
appealed  to  the  people  by  the  comparatively  large  number  of  plays 
known  to  have  been  represented  and  by  the  fact  that  it  was  adopted 
by  Alexandre  Hardy,  whose  work  was  written  primarily  for  repre- 
sentation before  a  popular  audience. 

It  is,  indeed,  as  the  link  between  the  non-comic  theater  of  the 
middle-ages  and  this  work  of  Hardy  that  the  tragi-comedy  of  the 
sixteenth  century  is  historically  important.  The  stages  of  the  dra- 
matic development  are  readily  traced.  In  the  looseness  of  structure 
that  violates  the  classical  unities  and  shows  a  frequently  illogical 
succession  of  scenes,  united  by  some  general  interest,  these  theaters 
of  the  middle  ages,  the  sixteenth,  and  early  seventeenth  century, 
are  largely  the  same.  So  are  they  also  in  the  seriousness  of  the 
subject  and  the  possible,  but  not  necessary,  addition  of  the  comic. 
In  other  respects,  there  is  a  noticeable  development.  The  medie- 
val subject  is  almost  always  religious  and  frequently  historical ;  the 
sixteenth  century  tragi-comedy  is  often  religious  and  historical,  but 
shows  plays  that  have  neither  of  these  qualities  ;  in  the  theater  of 
Hardy  and  his  contemporaries  the  predominant  variety  of  subject 
is  neither  religious  nor  historical.  Again,  personages  of  various 
social  classes  appear  in  the  three  theaters,  but  in  the  first  and  second 
the  aristocrat  can  be  entirely  omitted  from  a  play,  while  in  the 
third  his  presence  is  the  rule.  The  denouement  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
while  usually  happy,  may  be  the  reverse ;  in  the  tragi-comedies 
it  is  always  happy.  In  form,  the  medieval  theater  shows  no 
classical  influence,  while  the  tragi-comedies  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
by  their  use  of  Alexandrines,  chorus,  or  division  into  acts,1  follow 

1 1  do  not  include  in  this  statement  Les  Aveugles,  a  mere  prose  translation  of  a 
foreign  original. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  83 

classical  models;  in  the  seventeenth  century  the  division  into  acts 
and  the  use  of  Alexandrines  is  extended  to  almost  all  cases,  though 
by  the  usual  omission  of  the  chorus  there  is  a  reversion  to  the 
medieval  position. 

It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  by  means  of  the  tragi-comedy  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  the  medieval  plays,  especially  the  myderes 
and  miracles,  developed  into  Hardy's  popular  dramas.  With  him 
the  romanesque  form  of  tragi-comedy  triumphed  definitively  over 
other  types  of  the  genre  that  continued  to  be  written  sporadically. 
It  will  be  shown  in  the  next  chapter  how  this  was  accomplished, 
with  the  resulting  predominance  of  the  tragi-comedy  on  the 
French  stage,  a  position  lost  to  it  only  by  the  advent  of  the 
classical  tragedy  of  Pierre  Corneille. 


84  The  French  Tragi-  Comedy : 


CHAPTER   III. 

THE  TRAGI-COMEDY  OF   THE  SEVENTEENTH 

CENTURY   BEFORE  ROTROU   AND 

CORNEILLE    (1600   TO   1628). 

While  all  the  types  of  tragi-comedy  written  in  France  during 
the  sixteenth  century  are  continued  in  the  period  from  1600  to 
1628,1  they  show  a  great  change  in  their  relative  importance. 
During  the  sixteenth  century  five  tragi-comedies  are  known  which 
resemble  the  moralite,  and  six  the  mystere  of  biblical  plot,  but 
only  four  can  be  called  romanesque.  From  the  following  period, 
as  far  as  Rotrou,  twenty-eight  romanesque  tragi-comedies  are 
known,  but  only  eighteen  of  all  other  classes  of  tragi-comedy, 
including  those  based  on  lives  of  saints,  of  which  no  examples 
are  preserved  from  the  sixteenth  century.  Furthermore,  the 
romanesque  tragi-comedy  of  Hardy  and  his  contemporaries  was 
attracting  the  Parisian  public  to  the  Hotel  de  Bourgogne,  while 
the  other  forms  of  the  tragi-comedy  were  being  acted  by  school- 
children at  provincial  colleges,  and,  since  the  coming  of  Hardy 
to  Paris  (1593),  exerted  little  influence  upon  the  development 
of  the  French  drama.  Thus  it  is  that  the  religious  and  farcical 
tragi-comedies  were  published  altogether  in  the  provinces,  while 
the  romanesque  tragi-comedies  appeared  chiefly  at  Paris. 

Considering  the  decided  preponderance  of  the  romanesque  over 
other  forms  of  the  tragi-comedy,  I  have  divided  the  plays  treated 
in  this  chapter2  into  two  classes,  according  to  the  absence  or 
presence    in    them   of  romanesque  elements.     As   the   plays   that 

1  This  date  marks  the  end  of  Hardy's  career  as  far  as  his  extant  works  are 
concerned,  the  beginning  of  Kotrou's  work  and  of  the  influence  of  the  Spanish 
drama  upon  the  French.  In  the  following  year  appeared  Corneille's  first  play 
and  Scudery's  first  tragi-comedy. 

2  For  a  list  of  these  plays,  their  authorships,  dates,  bibliography,  etc.,  see 
Appendix  B,  n,  below. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  85 

possess  such  qualities  are  more  numerous  aud  of  greater  import- 
ance than  those  that  do  not  have  them,  they  will  be  more  fully 
discussed  than  the  comparatively  unimportant  tragi-coruedies, 
classified  as  non-romanesque. 

I.   The  Non-Romanesque  Tragi-Comedy. 

A.    Analyses. 

As  the  plays  belonging  to  this  class  resemble  closely  the 
religious  and  farcical  tragi-comedies  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
they  may,  like  their  prototypes,  be  divided  for  analysis  according 
to  their  resemblance  to  medieval  genres.  The  moralite,  mystb'e, 
miracle,  and  farce,  as  tragi-comedy,  will  consequently  be  discussed 
in  succession. 

1.   The  Moralite  as  Tragi-Comedy. 

Of  the  three  extant  plays  belonging  to  this  division  U Amour 
divin  (1601)  and  ZoJ  anthropic  (1614)  express  religious  views  after 
the  manner  of  U  Homme  iustifie  par  Foy,1  while  U union  Belgique 
(1604)  inclines  to  the  political  moralite,  of  which  types  have  been 
found  in  La  Gaule  and  Gamier  Stoffaeher.2  As  the  first  two  have 
been  analyzed  by  Sainte-Beuve  and  La  Valli&re,3  respectively,  a 
brief  account  of  their  plots  will  suffice. 

U Amour  divin  presents  in  allegorical  form  the  fall  and  salva- 
tion of  the  human  race.  Le  Roy  places  his  daughter,  Physique, 
in  a  garden  under  Lucerin's  guard.  She  is  much  pleased  until 
she  is  told  by  her  guardian  : 

' '  Vous  ne  pouuez  en  somme 
Vous  guarantir  du  mal  si  ne  cueillez  la  pomme 
Qui  est  sur  le  pommier,  dont  le  fruit  deffendu 
Ne  peut  pas  par  vos  mains  ia  estre  despendu, 
Iouissez  done  du  bien  qui  ore  se  presente." 

But  when  she  has  eaten  the  apple,  she  is  exiled  and  Lucerin 

1  See  above,  p.  37.  2  See  above,  pp.  40  and  44. 

3  For  references,  see  Appendix  B,  n. 


86  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

cursed.  Her  brother,  Amour  Divin,  however,  aided  by  Eleone 
and  opposed  by  L'Astree  and  Verite,  consents  to  suffer  and  die 
for  her,  thus  restoring  her  to  the  royal  favor.  Even  L'Astree 
and  Verite'  are  won  over  at  the  end. 

Zo'anthropie,  a  longer  composition  than  the  preceding,  is  appro- 
priately called  by  La  Valliere  "la  plus  ennuyeuse  que  j'aye 
encore  lue."  Like  the  preceding  play  it  is  concerned  with  man's 
salvation,  even  introducing  Amour  Divin  and  Verite,  but  it  is 
still  more  abstrusely  allegorical.  Nineteen  abstractions,  provided 
with  Greek  names,  take  part  in  the  play.  The  virtues  and  vices 
strive  to  win  Anthrope  (Vhomme)  by  fighting  against  one  another. 
Anthrope  is  induced  by  Cupidon  to  love  Zoe  (La  Vie  humaine), 
who  gladly  bestows  her  favors  on  him.  A  digression  is  made  to 
describe  the  courtship  of  Pseude  (Fausse  Religion)  by  Oecomene 
(le  monde).  Asthenee  (D  infirmite,  vieux  sorcier)  now  attacks 
Anthrope  and  his  friend,  Andrie  (la  virilite),  leaving  them  nearly 
dead.  When  Anthrope  has  been  rescued  by  Metanoee  (la  Peni- 
tence), he  is  saved  by  the  virtues  and  married  to  Ai'die  (la  Vie 
eternelle).  Zoe  is  left  lamenting  the  loss  of  her  lover,  while  the 
vices  quarrel  and  the  virtues  discuss  immortality. 

The  Miroir  de  L 'union  Belgique  furnishes  an  allegorical  treat- 
ment of  contemporary  history  in  a  polemical  spirit,  of  which  the 
fanatical  protestantism  may  be  detected  in  the  list  of  personages  : 
U union  Belgique;  U Homme  Partial;  La  Religion;  Le  Iesuite  ; 
L'Espagnol,  Fleau  du  Monde;  La  Feinte  Paix ;  Soul-de  lard, 
moine ;  Satan  en  habit  de  Iacobin  ;  Le  bon  Patriot;  Le  Due 
Albert;  L' Historiographe  ;  Message  r;  Pere-Pillart,  Prestre;  L' In- 
fante, Femme  du  Due  Albret;  Le  Conte  Maurice  de  Nassau. 

Satan,  rejoicing  at  the  woes  of  1! union,  cries  : 

"  Quoi,  elle  veut  des-ja  sus  mes  faits  disputer 
Et  inaintenir  les  Loix  d'un  Calvin  et  Luther 
Faisant  milles  ergos  jusqu'a  blamer  en  somme 
Les  plus  rusez  abus  du  Pontife  de  Home."  1 

He  adds  an  interesting  anachronism  in 

"  De  nostre  grand  Dieu  Mars,  il  la  faut  ruiner." 

1i,2. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  87 

After  an  argument  between  Partial  and  bon  Patriot  against  and 
for  "  les  povres  huguenaux,"  a  council  is  held  by  Satan,  Iesuite, 
and  Albert,  lately  arrived  from  Spain,  to  devise  means  for 
subduing  Vunion.  Next,  Historiog  raphe  describes  the  defeat  of 
the  Armada.  The  news  of  Spanish  reverses  afflicts  Iesuite  and 
Satan,  who  console  themselves  by  reflecting  that, 

"Tel  n'est  mort  qui  combat,  ou  bien  qui  est  inalade. 
L' issue  d'un  bancquet  n'est  point  a  la  salade,"  l 

but  they  exclaim  : 

' '  Que  ses  goeux  se  riront  de  nos  croix  et  reliques, 
Dont  avions  cbarniez  nos  soldats  Catholiques  !  "  1 

A  feigned  peace,  proposed  by  Iesuite  and  approved  by  Albert, 
is  offered  in  vain  to  the  shrewd  union.  The  war  breaks  out  again, 
but  is  ended  by  the  victory  of  Maurice  de  Nassau  over  Albert 
and  his  Spaniards.2 

2.   The  Biblical  Mystere  as  Tragi-Comedy. 

This  division  contains  two  plays  on  the  story  of  Jacob  (1604 
and  1609)  ;  one  concerned  with  the  Purification  du  temple  de 
Jerusalem  apices  la  profanation  faite  par  Antiochus  (1613) ;3 
Daphnis,  ce'lebrant  I' 'ascension  du  Christ  (1618)  ;  and  Sephoe 
(1626),  if  Mugnier  is  correct  in  his  conjecture  that  the  name 
of  this  play  refers  to  Siphora,  wife  of  Moses.4  The  last  three 
plays  have  been  lost.  The  subject  of  Jacob  ou  Antidolatrie,  an 
unimportant  play,  six  folios  in  length,  is  taken  from  the  Bible  and 
church  fathers.  Its  object  is  to  show  "par  quelz  moyens,  s'est 
augmente  le  culte  et  le  service  d'un  seul  Dieu  du  tout  l'univers, 
par  la  seule  famille  de  Jacob,  et  d' Abraham,  le  Diable  y  resistant 
par  tous  les  Roys  Idolatres  de  ce  temps  la." 

1  in,  4. 

2  The  battle  referred  to  took  place  at  Nieuport,  July  2,  1G00,  only  four  years 
before  the  play  was  printed. 

3  Cf.  Apocrypha,  First  Maccabees,  IV. 

4  For  the  bibliography  of  these  plays,  see  Appendix  B,  n. 


88  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

A  more  important  play  on  the  same  subject  is  Jacob  by 
Anthoine  de  la  Puiade  (1604),  written  at  the  command  of  "la 
Royne  Marguerite,  Duchesse  de  Valois,"  the  only  one  of  these 
pieces  that  can  claim  a  more  than  scholastic  vogue.  The  author 
believes  that  he  attains  in  the  tragi-comedy  a  religious  mean 
between  the  tragedy  and  the  comedy,  for,  after  declaring  in  his 
prologue  that  his  work  has  nothing  of  "  seuere  enfle,  comme  en 
la  Tragedie,"  nor  "  d'un  Plaute  gaudisseur  l'outrageuse  insolence. 
.  .  .  Les  tours  de  passe-passe  et  ruses  d'un  Terence,"  he  states 
his  position  as  follows  : 

"Au  vulgaire  ignorant  nous  ne  desirons  plaire, 
Son  humeur  nous  desplait,  et  nous  luy  desplaisons. 
Nous  ne  mendyons  pas  d'un  rude  populaire 
Une  vaine  loiiange  aux  mots  que  nous  disons. 
Mais  c'est  pour  esgayer  nostre  grande  Princesse." 

The  author  has  provided  careful  stage  directions,  choruses,  and 
a  "  Musicien  ioiiant  du  luth  et  chantant."  The  first  part  of  the 
tragi-comedy,  written  in  a  pleasingly  natural  style,  shows  decided 
dramatic  qualities,  in  spite  of  its  close  adherence  to  the  biblical 
narrative.  In  the  fourth  and  fifth  acts,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
number  of  incidents  in  the  story  becomes  too  large  for  the  author's 
dramatic  skill,  so  that  the  play  degenerates  into  a  rapid  succession 
of  loosely  connected  scenes. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  play,  Isaac  enters  with  a  staff  in  his 
hand,  supported  by  Esau  and  Rebecca.  When  his  wife  has 
retired  to  the  other  end  of  the  stage,  Isaac  promises  to  bless 
Esau,  if  he  will  bring  him  venison.  The  men  retire,  leaving 
Rebecca  to  soliloquize  upon  her  desire  to  aid  Jacob,  who  now 
enters,  to  be  told  his  mother's  plans.  When  he  has  been  per- 
suaded to  deceive  his  father,  he  leaves  the  stage  with  his  mother, 
whereupon  Esau  enters  to  inform  the  audience  of  his  skill  in  the 
chase,  which  enables  him  to  kill  even  the  elephant.  The  chorus 
concludes  the  act  by  explaining  that  this  is  an  allegory,  in  which 
Esau  represents  the  Hebrews,  Jacob  the  Church  and  Christ. 

The  second  act  follows  closely  the  biblical  account  of  the 
blessing  of  Jacob  and  his  escape.     The  author  has  wisely  intro- 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  89 

duced  into  his  play  the  pathetic  words  of  Esau,  when  he  hears 
of  his  brother's  trickery  : 

"  Mon  pere  donnas  m'en  une  toute  semblable 
Benisses  vostre  AysneV' 

Isaac  replies  with  characteristic  weakness  : 

"Ie  ne  puis  autrement. 
Ton  frere  est  ja  benit,  mais  bien  que  finement 
C'est  une  grand  prudence  a  luy  d'auoir  soustraite, 
La  benediction  que  i'auoy  toute  preste, 
Pour  en  benir  celuy  qui  s'ofiriroit  a  moy 
Et  que  ce  soit  Jacob,  Dieu  le  veut,  ie  croy."  1 

Esau  now  curses  his  brother,  but  the  chorus  defends  hirn  sophisti- 
cally,  "  pour  auoir  mis  de  Dieu  le  vouloir  en  effect." 

The  third  act  forms  a  digression  in  the  play,  as  it  is  entirely 
concerned  with  the  marriage  of  Esau  to  the  daughter  of  Nabajot. 
In  the  fourth  act  Jacob  enters,  to  lie  down  and  sleep  while  the 
musician  sings  his  vision  as  follows  : 

"Iacob  voit  par  une  eschelle 
D'anges  une  troupe  belle, 
Et  descendre  et  remonter, 
Eschelle  dont  le  mystere, 
Luy  presage  que  son  frere, 
Ne  le  pourra  surrnonter."  2 

The  "  Musique  "  now  prophesies  the  blessings  in  store  for  Jacob, 
who  awakes  and  tells  what  he  has  seen  in  the  vision. 

A  second  digression  is  made  by  a  brief  scene  between  shepherds 
and  shepherdesses,  which  shows  pastoral  influence.  In  the  next 
scene  they  point  out  Rachel  to  Jacob,  who  is  well  received  by  his 
relatives.  The  courtship  follows,  seven  years  pass  by,  and  the 
marriage  is  arranged  in  a  single  scene.  The  shepherds  celebrate 
the  wedding  in  musical  stanzas  : 

Chantons  en  ce  iour  bien-heureux, 
Iacob  le  Pasteur  amoureux 
De  Rachel  belle  Pastourelle, 
O  belle  Pastourelle  belle.3 

ln,  1.  2m,  1.  sm,  3. 


90  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

The  ease  with  which  periods  of  time  could  be  passed  over  in 
such  a  drama  as  this,  is  shown  in  the  fourth  act,  when  Rachel 
gives  Bala  to  Iacob,  exeunt  omnes,  Iacob  returns  to  be  presented 
with  Zylpha  by  Lya,  whereupon  Rachel  enters  with  Bala's  two 
children,  followed  by  Lya  with  those  of  Zylpha,  so  that  Jacob 
now  finds  himself  the  father  of  four  children,  who  were  not  yet 
begot  at  the  beginning  of  the  scene.  The  rest  of  the  play  drama- 
tizes faithfully  the  remainder  of  the  biblical  narrative  down  to 
the  return  of  Jacob  to  his  own  land.  The  inartistic  succession 
of  disappearances  and  reappearances  of  the  actors  continues  to 
mar  the  representation. 

This  play  is  particularly  interesting  from  the  light  it  throws 
upon  the  stage  decoration  used  at  this  time  in  southern 
France.  A  to'ile  covered  the  back  of  the  stage,  for  Esau  and 
Jacob  are  directed  to  retire  behind  it  and  Isaac  to  enter  from 
behind  it.1  These  passages  indicate,  furthermore,  that  one  end 
of  the  toile  represented  a  forest,  toward  which  Esau  and  Jacob 
retire.  As  there  is  no  mention  of  the  presence  of  mansions,  and 
as  the  chorus  is  obliged  to  inform  the  audience  of  Jacob's  arrival 
at  Bethel,  it  is  likely  that  this  feature  of  the  medieval  mise  en 
scene  was  absent  here.  The  actor  progresses  from  one  place  to 
another  by  leaving  the  stage  and  returning,  instead  of  walking 
from  mansion  to  mansion,  as  was  done  on  the  older  stage. 
Further  attention  is  paid  to  the  decoration  by  the  stick,  chair, 
and  bed  for  Isaac,2  and  the  aigneaux  et  brebis  that  follow  Rachel 
on  the  stage.3 

3.   The  Mieacle  as  Teagi-Comedy. 

The  miracle,  which  draws  its  plot  from  the  life  of  a  saint, 
rather  than  from  the  Bible,  is  represented  in  this  period  by  the 
following  seven  plays  :  Saint  Etienne  (1605),  treating  of  the  first 
king  and  christianizer  of  Hungary;  La  Clotilde  (1613),  concern- 
ing a  miracle  wrought  by  Saint  Leonard  de  Limousin,  friend  of 
Clovis  and  Clotilde;  Henry  et  Kunegonde  (1616),  based  on  the 

In,  1  ;  in,  1  ;  i.  2i  and  n,  1.  3iii,  2. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  91 

deeds  of  Henry  II,  Emperor  of  Germany,  and  his  wife  Kuni- 
gunde;  Sainte  Aldegonde  (1622),  which  takes  its  name  from  the 
Abbess  of  Maubenge,  who  lived  in  the  seventh  century ;  Ignace 
de  Lo'iola  (1622),  in  honor  of  the  canonization  of  the  founder  of 
the  Jesuits;  La  vie  et  mort  du  glorieux  Saint  Lambert  (1628), 
which  has  to  do  with  the  seventh  century  bishop  of  Maestricht, 
who  converted  a  part  of  the  Netherlands  and  was  said  to  have 
been  murdered  by  emissaries  of  Pepin's  second  wife,  whose 
marriage  he  had  opposed ;  Eiehecourt  (1628),  in  which  the  denoue- 
ment is  accomplished  by  Saint  Nicholas.1 

With  the  exception  of  La  Clotilde  these  plays  were  all  written 
and  printed  in  Belgium,  Luxemburg,  and  neighboring  towns  of 
France.  They  were  brief,  priestly  compositions,  played  by  school- 
children and  without  influence  on  the  tragi-comedies  of  Paris.  I 
shall  analyze  two  of  them,  thus,  I  hope,  sufficiently  showing  the 
nature  of  the  plays  that  belong  to  this  class. 

La  Clotilde  presents  little  of  interest  in  subject,  structure,  or 
style.  Clovis  tells  of  his  conversion  by  his  wife  Clotilde  and  the 
divine  aid  received  in  battle.  Having  defeated  his  enemies,  he 
meditates  pursuit  of  the  Visigoths,  against  which  Sigibert  advises 
him,  remarking  with  political  sagacity  worthy  of  the  French 
classical  tragedy  : 

"Le  salut  des  vaincus  qu'un  desespoir  possede 
Est  de  n'esperer  plus  ne  salut  ne  reruede  : 
On  a  veu  tant  de  fois  le  vaincu  prendre  cceur 
Quand  on  le  desespere,  et  vaincre  son  vainqueur."  2 

Clovis,  however,  convinced  that  God's  will  coincides  with  his 
own,  decides  to  pursue  the  enemy,  commanding  that  his  determi- 
nation be  kept  from  Clotilde,  as  she  is  "  enceinte  de  huict  mois." 
In  the  next  act,  however,  Clotilde  persuades  Clovis  to  take  her 
with  him  on  the  expedition.  When  the  king  goes  hunting, 
Clotilde  fears  that  he  has  abandoned  her  and  faints  into  the  arms 
of  her  nourrice.     A  page,  going  to  inform  the  king  of  his  wife's 

1  For  the  bibliography  of  these  plays  see  Appendix  B,  II. 
2 1,  2. 


92  The  French   Tragi-  Comedy : 

condition,  makes  known  the  whole  matter  to  Saint  Leonard,  who 
lives  in  the  wood  where  the  king  hunts.  When  Clovis  returns 
home,  he  finds  that  the  physician  has  despaired  of  Clotilde's  life 
and  advises  an  operation  to  save  the  child.  Clovis  wishes  to 
pray  to  Pluto  and  Proserpine.     Clotilde  laments : 

"  Ie  voy  le  vaisseau  prest,  et  le  noclier  Charon 
Qui  tient  la  perche  en  main  pour  passer  1'  Acheron. 
I'entends  comme  il  m'appelle,  et  comme  des  la  riue 
II  me  tance,  et  me  diet  que  ie  suis  trop  tardive. ' '  x 

Saint  Leonard,  arriving  opportunely,  rebukes  them  for  their 
heathen  expressions,  makes  them  repent,  and  teaches  them  how 
to  pray.  In  the  fifth  act  the  physician  informs  the  audience  of 
the  miracle  wrought  by  Saint  Leonard  in  so  praying  for  Clotilde, 
that  she  was  not  only  cured,  but  happily  delivered  of  a  son. 
Clovis  and  Clotilde  thank  God  and  offer  a  bishopric  to  Saint 
Leonard,  who  declines  the  honor,  but  accepts  as  much  land  as 
"  i'en  eutourneray  durant  la  nuict  obscure,"  which  shall  be  to 
him  and  his,  untaxed  forever.  The  play  ends  with  preparations 
for  the  foundation  of  a  monastery  upon  this  tract  of  land. 

Still  more  scholastic  in  character  is  Richecourt,  represented  and 
printed  in  1628.  The  argument  states  that  the  play  celebrates 
events  that  took  place  toward  the  year  1240,  when  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine  led  an  army  to  Palestine,  where  he  was  defeated  and 
his  follower,  Richecourt,  captured.  The  latter's  miraculous  escape 
from  prison  by  the  aid  of  Saint  Nicholas  forms  the  denouement 
of  the  play.  In  the  first  act  a  Chrestien  de  Iudee  and  a  Trouppe 
chrestienne  de  Iudee  mourn  over  the  unhappy  condition  of  the 
Holy  Land,  while  awaiting  aid  from  France.  The  chorus  com- 
forts them  with  the  hope  of  victory.  A  Maistre  de  camp  Turc 
expresses  his  hatred  of  the  Christians,  whom  he  calls  upon  his 
followers  to  attack,  while  the  chorus  bids  Sion  lament. 

In  the  second  act  Richecourt  enters  with  his  men,  crying : 

"Que  fais-tu,  mon  trenchant, 
Qui  le  prophane  sang  ne  vas  point  espanchant 
En  enyurant  le  pre"  ?     Encor  le  More  encore 


1 IV,  3. 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  93 

Va  bravant  nostre  nom,  1'  Otomannique  More 
Se  panade  de  nous.     Or  ce  glaive  d'  acier 
I'empourpreray  du  sang  de  cest  Othoman  fier, 
Et  le  verray  tranchant  distiller  de  ses  veines." 

The  act  is  continued  by  the  threats  of  Nemesis,  Alecto,  and 
Mors,  who,  with  the  exception  of  Mors,  employ  Latin  exclu- 
sively. After  a  chorus  of  soldiers  have  expressed  their  martial 
ardor,  a  battle  is  fought,  which  ends  in  the  defeat  of  the  Christians 
and  the  capture  of  Richecourt.  The  Pachas  decide  to  imprison 
him,  while  the  chorus  of  angels  welcome  the  souls  of  the  dead 
Christians  and  the  furies  carry  off  the  Turks,  slain  in  battle. 

After  a  digression  in  which  Mors  takes  away  an  old  man  who 
wishes  to  live  and  neglects  one  who  wishes  to  die,  Richecourt  is 
represented,  calling  on  Saint  Nicholas  for  aid,  despite  the  taunts 
of  his  captors.  By  a  series  of  cleverly  constructed  echo  rimes 
the  saint  promises  his  aid  to  Richecourt,  when  he  begs  to  be  freed 
from  captivity  : 

"Pour  revoir  de  Nancy  la  belle  et  ricbe  cour. 

Echo :  Richecour. 

Richecourt :  Entend-je  pas  le  son  de  quelque  voix  humaine  ? 
Ou  si  mon  geolier  par  icy  se  pourmeine, 
Qui  se  gabe  de  moy?    6  Dieu  !  ou  si  c'est  toy, 
Ou  bien  si  l'echo  vient  consoler  mon  esmoy  ? 

Echo :  moy. 


Richecourt :  Chere  voix,  que  veux  tu  ?  helas  ceste  esclavage 

Me  sera  de  la  mort  1'  inf ortund  passage. 
Echo:  tu  n'es  pas  sage." 

This  dialogue  continues  till  the  hero  learns  that  he  will  soon  be 
rescued  from  prison.  The  next  act  finds  him,  accordingly,  before 
the  Chappelle  du  Prieure  au  Bourg  de  S.  Nicolas  de  Port,  of  which 
the  doors  are  miraculously  opened  for  him,  to  the  astonishment 
of  the  sacristan  and  prior.  A  third  miracle  is  performed  when 
the  iron  chains  of  his  prison  drop  from  him.  It  is  these  chains, 
which  "  se  voyent  encores  en  l'Eglise  du  diet  Sainct,"  that  furnish 
the  pious  proof  of  the  authenticity  of  the  miracle. 


94  The  Flinch   Iragi-  Comedy : 

4.   The  Farce  as  Tragi-Comedy. 

This  class  of  tragi-comedy  is  the  farthest  removed  from  the 
romanesque  type  of  the  genre.  The  few  plays  that  belong  to  it 
may  be  called  tragi-comedies  as  they  are  survivals  of  the  medieval 
stage  with  happy  denouement  and  a  partially  classical  form,  shown 
by  the  use  of  Alexandrines  or  the  division  into  acts.  There  are 
only  four  of  them  in  both  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries,  of 
which  one,  La  nouvelle  tragieomique,  has  already  been  discussed.1 

The  Tragi-Comedie  de  la  rebellion  ou  meseontentement  des  Gre- 
nouilles  contre  Jupiter  is  based  on  the  fable  of  the  frogs  who  asked 
a  king  of  Jupiter.  La  Valliere 2  remarks  that  "  il  devoit-  etre 
cependant  assez  plaisant  de  voir  des  Acteurs,  croassant  dans  un 
marais,  en  sortir  pour  monter  a  l'Olimpe,  et  en  habit  de  grenouilles, 
plaider  leur  cause  devant  Jupiter  et  toute  sa  Cour."  The  moral 
of  the  piece  inculcates  the  patient  acceptance  of  monarchical  rule  : 

"  Et  tels  que  sont  les  Kois  que  l'Eternel  nous  donne, 
II  leur  faut  obe"ir  et  cherir  leur  personne." 

In-  still  lighter  vein  are  the  Tragi-  Comedie  plaisante  etfacecieuse 
intitulee  La  SubtiliU  de  Fanfreluche  et  Gaudichon  et  comme  il  Jut 
emporte  par  le  Liable,  a  pure  farce  based  on  the  Italian  models, 
in  which  Fanfreluche  plays  the  role  of  Pulcinella ;  and  the  Tragi- 
Comedie  des  enfans  de  Turlupin,  ou  Von  void  les  fortunes  dudit 
Turlupin,  le  mariage  d'entre  luy  et  la  Boulonnoise,  et  autres  mille 
plaisantes  ioyeusetez  qui  trompent  la  morne  Oisivete,  a  play  that  is 
chiefly  interesting  on  account  of  the  introduction  of  Henri  Legrand, 
the  famous  actor,  under  his  sobriquet  of  Turlupin. 

B.    Characterization. 

The  small  reputation  gained  by  the  non-romanesque  tragi- 
comedies written  between  1600  and  1628  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that  out  of  eighteen  plays,  nine  are  anonymous  and  the  others  were 

1  See  above,  p.  70.     For  the  bibliography  of  the  other  three  plays  see  Appen- 
dix B,  ii. 
2 1,  453. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  95 

written  by  men  of  whom  little  more  than  the  name  is  known. 
Anthoine  de  la  Puiade  "  Conseiller  et  Secretaire  des  finances  "  of 
Marguerite  de  Valois,  is  known  as  the  author  of  La  Christiade, 
La  Mariade,1  and  other  religious  poems.  Frangois  Auffray, 
Gentilhomme  Breton,  may  be  the  same  as  Auffray,  Chanoine  de 
Saint  Brieuc,  who  translated  Ilymnes  ou  cantiques  sacrez  a  la  gloire 
de  Dieu.2  Anthoine  Lancel,  Aniedee,  and  Candide  were  school- 
masters, lean  Prevost,  a  lawyer  of  Basse-Marche,  wrote  Le 
Bocage,  U  Apoikeose  de  Henri  IV,  and  several  tragedies.  Denis 
Coppee  and  lean  Gaulche  are  known  to  have  been  born  toward 
1570  at  Huy3  and  Vitry-le-Croise,4  respectively.  Simplicien 
Gody,  the  probable  author  of  Richecourt,  was  a  monk  of  the 
Congregation  de  Saint -Vanne,  who  wrote  Odes  sacr&es  (1629),  a 
Latin  tragedy  called  Humbertus  (1633),  and  other  poems.5 

The  plays  were  published  at  Bordeaux,  Poitiers,  Rouen,  Troyes, 
and  several  towns  in  Belgium.  Most  of  them  were  acted  by 
children  at  schools  of  the  Jesuits,  Barnabites,  or  Benedictines, 
situated  in  Savoy,  Belgium,  and  northeastern  France. 

La  Clotilde  appears  to  have  been  acted  by  a  confrerie  from  the 
author's  introductory  statement,  "Je  l'entrepris  et  dressay  a  la 
solicitation  du  sieur  Chalart,  bourgeois  de  Saint-Leonard."  6  The 
Jacob  of  La  Puiade,  written  for  Marguerite  de  Valois,  and 
probably  acted  before  her,  shows  no  connection  with  a  school. 
The  occurrence  of  the  name,  Turlupin,  indicates  that  the  Enfans 
de  Turlupin  was  acted.  Zo'arUhropie  is  shown  to  have  been  acted 
by  mention  of  the  audience  and  by  the  printing  with  the  play  of 
"  vers  presentes  a  quelques  Messieurs  de  1' assistance."  6  The  only 
remaining  plays  are  L' Amour  divin  and  I? union  Belgique,  of 
which  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  the  first  was  acted,  but  the 
second  is  provided  with  a  prologue  and  epilogue  addressed  to 
the  audience,  which  do  not,  however,  prove  that  the  play  was 

1  Paris,  1604,  and  Paris,  1605. 

2Saint-Brieux,  1623.  3Faber,  iv,  267. 

4 Louis  Morin,  Thedtre  d,  Troyes,  Bulletin  lmtorique  et  philologique,  1901,  p.  25. 
5Beaupr6,  Richecourt,   Tragi- Comedie,   note  at  the  end   of   the  reprint,   Saint- 
Nicolas-de-Port,  1860. 

6Cf.  Lanson,  Revue  d'hist.  lilt.,  x,  224-25. 


96  The  French   Trag i- Comedy  : 

acted,  as  they  may  be  the  result  of  literary  imitation.  In  any 
case,  it  is  evident  that  nearly  all,  if  not  all  the  tragi-comedies  of 
this  non-romanesque  group  were  acted,  a  fact  that  shows  the  popu- 
larity of  the  genre  even  in  forms  that  must  have  seemed  antiquated 
in  the  seventeenth  century. 

In  all  these  plays,  except  the  farces,  appears  a  religious  spirit 
which  unites  them  to  the  tragi-comedies  of  the  sixteenth  rather 
than  to  others  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  primary  object 
of  the  plays  is,  accordingly,  instruction  instead  of  amusement,  the 
usual  goal  of  the  tragi-comic  author.  In  accordance  with  their 
religious  and  didactic  spirit,  the  sources  of  the  plays  are  taken 
from  the  Bible,  including  the  Apocrypha,  dramatized  directly  or 
allegorically ;  from  medieval  history,  distorted  for  pious  ends 
when  saints  are  concerned ;  and  from  contemporary  history,  alle- 
gorically treated.1 

The  strong  feeling  of  patriotism  pervading  L'union  Belgique 
becomes  local  pride  in  La  Clotilde,  Saincte  Aldegonde,  Lambertiade, 
and  Riehecourt,  the  subjects  of  which  concern  the  deeds  of  the 
authors'  saintly  compatriots.  The  author  of  Riehecourt  puts  into 
the  mouths  of  the  Turks  praise  of  the  "  Gaulois  trioniphans,"  for 

"  lis  s'estendent  puissans  par  tous  les  champs  du  monde 
A  guise  d'un  torrent,  qui  ravisseux  inonde 
Sur  les  guerets  voisins."  2 

The  plays  show  little  merit  in  construction,  violating  not  only 
the  unity  of  action,  but  by  digressions  even  the  unity  of  interest. 
In  the  fifth  act  of  Z' Amour  divin  digressions  occur  in  conversa- 
tions between  the  protagonist  and  two  of  his  sisters ;  in  Jacob, 
the  third  act  is  given  up  to  Esau's  courtship,  with  which  Jacob 
has  nothing  to  do  ;  in  Riehecourt  a  scene  that  has  no  connection 
with  the  plot  of  the  play  is  acted  by  Death  and  two  old  men. 
The  lack  of  restriction  as  to  place  and  time  is  best  shown  by 
Jacob,  where  the  action  lasts  over  twenty  years,  and  by  Riehecourt, 
the  scene  of  which  is  laid  in  Palestine  and  Lorraine. 

1  L'union  Belgique,  the  only  play  based  on  contemporary  history,  may  be  com- 
pared with  Gamier  Stoffacher,  La  Gaule,  and  Fernandas  Servatus. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  97 

The  treatment  of  character  is  slight  in  most  of  these  plays  and 
can  scarcely  be  said  to  exist  in  the  farces.  The  abstractions,  most 
fully  represented  in  L' Amour  divin  and  Zo'anthropie,  are  in  L'union 
Belgique  largely  replaced  by  types  that  approach  them  closely  ;  as, 
Le  Iesuite,  UEspagnol,  Le  bon  Patriot,  L'Historiographe.  The 
personages  in  these  moralites  are  still  near  the  medieval  vices 
and  virtues,  with  the  weak  protagonist,  here  seen  in  Physique  and 
Anthrope.  The  consistent  character  of  these  personages  is  lacking 
in  the  treatment  of  Richecourt,  who  suddenly  changes  from  a 
blustering  warrior  to  a  pious  monk.  Some  skill  is  shown  in  the 
impetuous  character  of  Clotilde  in  the  play  that  bears  her  name. 
Perhaps  the  best  scenes  are  those  at  the  beginning  of  Jacob,  where 
the  patriarchal  family  is  well  described  after  the  biblical  model. 
The  rank  of  the  personages  is  allowed  the  variation  characteristic 
of  tragi-comedies.  Kings  appear  in  V Amour  divin,  Saint  Etienne, 
La  Clotilde,  Henry  et  Kunegonde;  a  physician  in  La  Clotilde; 
shepherds  in  Jacob.  Besides  the  personages  that  fall  into  the 
three  social  classes  thus  represented,  are  found  the  abstractions, 
which  defy  such  classification. 

The  style  of  the  plays  has  as  little  to  recommend  it  as  the 
treatment  of  character  found  in  them.  Prosaic  and  platitudinous 
in  1?  Amour  divin  and  La  Clotilde,  it  becomes  inflated  in  Zo'an- 
thropie  and  Richecourt.  In  Jacob  it  is  less  pretentious  and 
consequently  more  agreeable,  displaying  at  times  a  pleasing 
naivete.    A  shepherdess  declares  : 

"  Non  Berger  ce  n'est  pas  toy 
Que  i'ayme  et  que  ie  prise  : 
Cesse  ton  entreprise, 
Tu  es  trop  laid  pour  moy  : 
Car  i'ayme  un  beau  Pasteur, 
De  qui  ie  suis  entreprise, 
Qui  m'a  rauy  le  cceur."  l 

In  contrast  with  these  lines  stand  the  following  : 

"Tel  est  digne  dit-on  (pie  celui  porte  trompe 
Qui  trompe  le  trompeur  lequel  un  autre  trompe."  2 


i  in   2.  1  U  union  Belgique,  II,  1. 


98  Ihe  French   Tragi-  Comedy : 

"  Kichecourt !  bien  plustost  pauvre-court,  qui  ne  peux 
Esgaller  a  tes  maux  ton  discours  souspireux."  * 

The  precieux  spirit  of  these  lines  is  further  evidenced  by  the 
large  amount  of  Latin  used  in  Hichecourt  and  by  the  ponderous 
compound  adjectives  of  such  expressions  as  "  Mores  porte- 
carquois,"  "  bras  gaigne-lauriers,"  "  tranche-fer  acier,"  "  coeur 
souffle-feux,"  "  l'astre  guide-nef."  2 

Despite  the  didactic  spirit  of  many  of  the  plays,  there  seems  to 
have  been  a  desire  for  variety  in  the  minds  of  some  of  the  authors, 
which  is  manifested  by  the  occasional  use  of  lyric  verse-forms 
and  comic  passages.  Thus,  the  chorus  in  Jacob  recites  verses  of 
eight  syllables,  alternating  lines  of  twelve  and  six  syllables,  and 
a  strophe  composed  of  lines  of  eight,  six,  and  twelve  syllables. 
In  Hichecourt  the  chorus  of  Christians  uses  six-syllable  verse ; 
that  of  angels  and  vaineus  eight-syllable  verse  ;  that  of  bourgeois, 
twelve-  and  eight-syllable  verse  ;  that  of  soldiers  the  following 
complicated  measure : 

"Le  Monarque  d' Orient 
Se  riant 

De  nostre  Mars,  est  en  calme ; 
A  lions,  courons,  foudroyons, 
Et  noyons 

Au  sang  ce  voleur  de  palme, 
Don,  don,  don,  don,  don,  a  l'assaut; 
Pour  le  ciel  mourir  il  nous  faut. 

Qa,  ca,  soldats 

Armez  vos  bras,  etc."  3 

The  chorus  in  La  Clotilde  is  only  a  band  of  men,  who  first 
appear  in  the  last  act,  when  they  speak  in  Alexandrines.  Zo'an- 
thropie  has  no  chorus,  but  shows  metrical  variety  in  an  eight- 
syllable  dialogue  between  Le  bon  Genie  and  Philothee4  and  in 
Zoe's  lamentation  after  she  has  lost  Anthrope.5  Jacob,  besides 
frequent  prose  passages,  departs  from  the  Alexandrine  in  the 
seven-syllable  speech  of  the  musician  and  in  the  shepherds'  use 
of  six-  and   eight-syllable  lines.6     The  latter  form  recurs  with 

1  Richecourt,  iv.  2  Ibidem,  I  and  IV. 

3n.  4iv,  2,  5iv,  4.  6iandin,  1. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  99 

musical  accompaniment  upon  the  patriarch's  return  to  Bethel.1 
In  Richeeourt  a  further  metrical  variety  is  shown  by  Mors,  who 
recites  couplets  of  twelve-,  ten-,  eight-,  six-syllable  verses.  The 
echo  rimes  of  this  play  have  been  quoted.2  They  are  found  again 
in  Zo'anthropie.5 

Such  metrical  variety  is  in  keeping  with  the  usage  of  the 
romanesque  tragi-comedy  and  probably  added  to  the  popularity 
of  the  genre.  Short  verse  forms  are  freely  employed  for  musical 
passages,  represented  by  a  chorus,  a  lamentation,  or  a  communi- 
cation from  angels  or  Death.  The  usual  meter  of  the  plays, 
however,  is  the  Alexandrine,  but  verses  of  ten  syllables  are 
employed  in  Enfans  de  Turlupin.  This  play  and  the  Rebellion 
des  Grenouilles  show  further  irregularity  by  a  division  into  four 
acts  instead  of  the  usual  five  acts.  Purification  du  temple  de 
Jerusalem  has  only  three  acts. 

The  denouements  of  these  plays  are  happy,  as  the  stories  are 
brought  to  a  successful  termination,  as  far  as  the  happiness  of  the 
protagonist  is  concerned.  Even  the  Lambertiade  forms  no  excep- 
tion to  this,  for  the  saint's  death  cannot  be  considered  an  unhappy 
event,  as  the  author's  object  is  to  show  the  heavenly  reward  won 
for  the  saint  by  his  holy  life  and  pious  death. 

Comic  scenes  are  not  confined  to  the  farcical  tragi-comedies, 
but  appear  also  in  L'union  Belgique,  Z6> anthropie,  and  Richeeourt. 
In  the  first  of  these  occurs  the  following  dialogue  between  two 
priests : 

"  Pere  Pillart :  Ha  Salve  Dornine  frere  en  Dieu  soul  de  lard. 
Soul-de-lard  :  Gratia  Domine  Pasteur  Pere-pillart. 
P.  P.:  Soul-de-lard  qu'ave"s  vous? 

S.-d.-l.  :  Ie  pantelle  de  joye, 

D'autant  que  1' Arched uc  pour  nostre  bien  s' employe. 


Allons  faire  bouillir  nostre  Marmite  grasse. 

Sus  resjouissons  nous  malgre  les  roupieux, 

Car  d'ici  a,  cent  ans  nous  serons  morts  ou  vieux."  4 

The  comic  elements  in  Zo'anthropie  appear  in  a  coarse  dialogue 
1  v,  1.  2See  above,  p.  93.  3v,  Sdne  derntire.  4iv,  6. 


100 


The  French  Tragi-  Comedy : 


between  Phronime  and  Idoneon,1  and  in  the  account  of  the  rescue 
of  Oecornene  from  the  water,  whence  he  comes  up  "  charge  de 
pots  de  terre  et  d'argent." 2  A  grim  humor  is  shown  in  the 
dialogue  between  Death  and  two  old  men  in  Bichecourt,  which 
furnishes  a  good  example  of  the  mingling  of  the  serious  and 
the  comic  : 


"La  Mort: 
Deuxiesme 

L.  M.  : 


D.  V.  : 


L.  M. 
D.  V. 


L.  M. 


D 

V 

L. 

M 

I) 

V. 

L 

M 

D. 

V. 

L. 

M 

D 

V 

L 

M 

Dea  !  i'ay  cy  rencontre  un  vieillard  en  desbauche. 
Vieillard  :  Ie  ne  suis  pas  si  vieil,  n'estant  point  soustenu 

D'aucun  noiieux  baston. 

Te  voy-ie  pas  chenu, 
Et  le  poil  imitant  la  blanchissante  laine 
Et  la  neige  qui  cbet  en  hyuer  sur  la  plaine  ? 
C'est  mon,  si  tu  avois  des  lunettes  au  ne 
Tu  verrois  bien  que  i'ay  le  poil  enfarine 
Du  moulin,  non  de  l'aage  :  et  pourtant  tire  arriere. 
Non,  non,  il  faut  passer,  et  boucler  ta  carriere. 
Ou  il  m'en  coustera  la  vie,  ou  ie  verray 
Plus  de  trente  soleils,  et  a  mon  saoul  boiray. 
O  !  que  ie  ne  suis  pas  encor  prest  de  te  suivre, 
Tandis  que  ce  flacon  me  fera  ioyeux  viure. 
Tu  as  beau  reculer,  et  esperer  du  temps, 
Le  moment  est  venu  qui  bornera  tes  ans. 
A  bon  ieu  ? 

C  est  bon  ieu,  et  mon  ieu  quand  ie  frappe. 
C'est  trop  tergiuerse ;  pa,  9a  que  ie  t'attrape. 
Si  tost. 

Tout  de  pas  allons. 

Si  brusquement  ? 
Auray-ie  pas  pour  boire  au  moins  quelque  moment? 
Autant  que  i'  en  mettray  a  faire  ma  faulchee. 
Ie  meurs,  ie  meurs,  ie  meurs. 

Ainsi  va  ta  fusee."  3 


This  review  of  the  non-romanesque  tragi-comedy  indicates  that 
it  existed  between  the  years  1600  and  1628  as  a  belated  survival 
of  the  sixteenth-century  tragi-comedy,  of  which  it  retains  the 
sources,  construction,  and  form.  While  the  sixteenth-century 
plays  are  of  value  as  furnishing  the  link  between  the  medieval 
play  and  the  romanesque  tragi-comedy  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
these  late,  non-romanesque  plays  exert  no  such  influence  and  are 


ln,  2. 


2  v,  Scene  dernifr -e. 


'in. 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  101 

consequently  of  interest  only  as  showing  the  persistence  of  a 
dramatic  form  that  had  been  the  true  expression  of  an  earlier  age, 
but  made  small  appeal  to  an  audience  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
The  recurrence  of  such  plays  decreases  with  the  progress  of  the 
century,  for  the  last  moralite  called  a  tragi-comedy  appeared  in 
1614,  the  last  mystere  in  1609.  The  miracle  flourished  through- 
out the  period,  but  only  as  a  school  composition,  absolutely  without 
influence  in  Paris.  Very  different  is  the  history  of  the  romanesque 
tragi-comedy,  which  is  now  to  be  considered. 

II.   The  Romanesque  Teagi-Comedy. 

Between  the  years  1600  and  1628,  the  romanesque  type  of 
tragi-comedy  not  only  became  the  predominant  form  of  the  genre, 
but  was  raised  by  Hardy  and  his  contemporaries  to  the  position 
of  the  most  popular  and  extensively  written  form  of  dramatic 
production  in  France.  As  Hardy  wrote  some  seven  hundred 
plays  and  about  half  his  extant  plays  are  called  tragi-comedies,1 
it  is  probable  that  between  three  and  four  hundred  tragi-comedies 
came  from  his  pen  alone.  He  was  followed  by  several  writers, 
Du  Ryer,  Mairet,  Schelandre,  Pichou,  and  others,  who,  while  not 
equalling  his  fertility,  surpassed  him  in  the  excellence  of  indi- 
vidual plays  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  notable  success  won 
by  the  genre  between  1628  and  the  middle  of  the  century. 

In  the  following  pages  the  tragi-comedies  written  by  these 
authors 2  will  be  analyzed,  their  sources  given,  and  their  structure 
discussed.  As  Hardy's  plays  have  been  fully  treated  by  Rigal,3 
their  discussion  here  will  be  brief.  After  the  analyses  of  his  works 
will  have  been  given  in  the  order  of  their  publication,  those  of 
the  tragi-comedies  written  by  his  contemporaries  will  follow  chro- 
nologically.    The  characterization  of  the  more  general  qualities 

1  Hardy  places  the  number  at  six  hundred  some  years  before  his  death.  Kigal 
estimates  the  total  at  seven  hundred.  If  Aristoclee  be  classed  as  a  tragedy  and  the 
eight  journees  of  Theagene  et  Cariclee  as  eight  plays,  the  number  of  his  extant 
tragi-comedies  is  twenty-one,  out  of  a  total  of  forty-one  extant  plays. 

2  For  the  bibliography  of  these  plays  see  Appendix  B,  n. 

3  In  Alexandre  Hardy. 


102  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

possessed  in  common  by  several  or  all  of  the  tragi-comedies  will 
not  be  taken  up  until  all  of  the  individual  plays  have  been 
analyzed. 

A.    Analyses  and  Sources. 

Theagenes  and  Chariclea,  the  Greek  romance  of  Heliodorus,  is 
the  source1  of  eight  plays  of  five  acts  by  Alexandre  Hardy, 
which,  together,  form  the  eight  journees  of  his  Theagene  et 
Cariclee.  In  the  first  journee  the  Egyptian,  Calasire,  aids  the 
lovers,  after  whom  the  play  is  named,  to  fly  from  Delphi  and  its 
high-priest,  Charicle,  who  wishes  to  marry  his  supposed  daughter, 
Cariclee,  to  another  than  Theagene.  Shipwrecked  on  an  island, 
Calasire  and  the  lovers  are  captured  by  pirates,  whose  chief 
prepares  to  wed  Cariclee.  Another  pirate,  however,  persuaded  by 
Calasire  of  CaricleVs  love,  seeks  to  take  her  from  the  leader.  In 
the  fight  that  ensues  all  the  pirates  are  slain  except  one,  who  is 
promptly  despatched  by  Theagene. 

A  second  band  of  pirates,  arriving  in  the  next  journee,  capture 
the  lovers,  who  represent  themselves  as  brother  and  sister. 
Thiamis,  leader  of  the  band,  gives  them  to  Gnemon  for  safe 
keeping  until  he  can  find  a  temple  in  which  to  marry  Cariclee. 
When  he  is  defeated  in  battle,  he  seeks  to  kill  Cariclee,  but 
mistakes  another  woman  for  her,  so  that  she  escapes.  In  the 
third  journee  Theagene  is  captured  by  the  soldiers  of  Orondate,  a 
governor  under  the  king  of  Egypt,  while  Cariclee  escapes  with 
the  aid  of  Gnemon  to  Nausicle,  a  friend  of  Calasire.  In  the 
fourth  journee  Calasire  is  reunited  to  Cariclee,  but  Theagene  is 
recaptured  by  Thiamis,  now  seeking  to  regain  the  priesthood  of 
Memphis.  But  Calasire  shows  that  he  is  the  father  of  Thiamis, 
resumes  his  position  as  priest,  and  reunites  Theagene  and  Cariclee. 

In  the  fifth  journee  Arsace,  wife  of  Orondate,  falls  in  love  with 
Theagene  and  imprisons  him  for  refusing  to  yield  to  her  demands. 
In  the  following  jo urnee  she  seeks  to  have  Cariclee  burnt,  but  the 

'Through  Amyot's  translation,  Hisloire  Aeihiopique  de  Heliodorus  (Paris,  1547). 
Cf.  Rigal,  Alexandre  Hardy,  435.  In  the  same  work  the  sources  of  Hardy's  other 
tragi-comedies  are  also  established.     For  references  see  Appendix  B,  n. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  103 

flames  flee  from  her.  The  lovers,  led  away  to  Orondate,  are 
captured  by  soldiers  of  Hydaspes,  king  of  Ethiopia.  This 
monarch  conquers  Orondate  in  the  next  journee  and  decides  to 
sacrifice  Theagene  and  Cariclee  to  the  gods.  In  the  eighth 
journee,  however,  Cariclee  proves  by  tokens  in  her  possession  that 
she  is  the  daughter  of  Hydaspes,  exposed  in  infancy  because  her 
white  skin  offered  so  great  a  contrast  to  her  father's  Ethiopian 
hue  that  her  mother  had  feared  to  acknowledge  her  as  her 
daughter.  Now  she  is  welcomed  by  her  parents,  but  Hydaspe 
still  wishes  to  sacrifice  Theagene.  After  various  persons  have 
protested  against  this  barbarity,  ambassadors  arrive  opportunely 
from  Thessaly,  seeking  their  lost  prince.  Theagene,  thus  proved 
to  be  of  royal  blood,  is  set  free  and  married  to  Cariclee. 

This  play,  or  series  of  plays,  furnishes  an  excellent  example 
of  the  system  employed  in  tragi-comedies,  in  which  a  story  is 
dramatized  ab  ovo,  without  unity  of  action  and  consisting  of  a 
series  of  episodes,  united  by  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  lovers. 
The  time  that  elapses  during  the  progress  of  the  story  is  about 
two  years,  of  which  individual  journees  are  assigned  from  a  few 
days  to  several  months.  The  scene  is  laid  at  Delphi,  in  Egypt, 
and  on  an  island  between  these  two  localities.  In  the  individual 
journees  it  is  less  extensive,  but  is  never  confined  within  classical 
limits. 

Hardy's  first  three  tragi-comedies  after  Theagene  et  Cariclee 
hold,  by  reason  of  their  mythological  and  half-tragic  subjects, 
a  mid-position  between  his  tragedies  and  other  tragi-comedies. 
Their  author  seems  to  have  realized  that  they  might  be  placed  in 
either  genre,  for  in  Procris  he  writes  tragedie  at  the  top  of  the 
alternate  pages  and  in  the  argument,  though  in  the  heading  of 
the  play  and  of  the  argument  he  writes  tragi-comedie.  Similarly, 
Alceste  and  Ariadne  Rauie  are  called  tragedies  at  the  tops  of  the 
pages  and  in  the  headings  of  the  arguments,  but  tragi-comedies 
in  the  titles.  The  chief  objection  to  considering  them  tragi- 
comedies is  furnished  by  their  mythological  plots,  which  occur  in 
no  other  tragi-comedies  except  the  Travaux  cV  Ulysse  (1631). 
Rigal  cannot  be  criticized  for  classifying  them  apart  from  both 
tragedies  and  tragi-comedies. 


104  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

The  plot  of  Aleeste  has  been  given  above,1  where  it  was  com- 
pared with  the  play  of  Euripides  which  treats  the  same  subject. 
In  Prociis  Aurore  seeks  to  induce  Cephale,  the  hunter,  to  forsake 
for  her  charms  his  wife,  Procris,  daughter  of  the  King  of  Athens. 
He  agrees  to  do  so,  provided  his  wife  is  proved  unfaithful.  Dis- 
guised as  a  traveller,  he  visits  Procris,  whom  he  finds  indignant 
at  the  neglect  she  is  receiving  from  her  husband.  He  wooes  her 
and,  after  succeeding  in  making  her  waver  in  her  fidelity,  reveals 
his  identity,  only  to  heap  reproaches  upon  her.  He  now  indulges 
Aurore's  desire,  but  is  seen  by  an  ox-herd,  who  informs  Procris 
and  brings  her  to  the  place  where  Cephale  awaits  the  goddess. 
Seeing  a  movement  in  the  bushes,  Cephale  shoots  an  arrow  and 
hits  Procris,  who  dies  in  his  arms,  insisting  that  he  is  not  to 
blame.  Full  of  remorse,  he  is  prevented  from  suicide  by  Aurore, 
whose  love  will  comfort  him  now  that  the  only  obstacle  to  its 
gratification  has  been  removed. 

Ariadne  Rauie  begins  with  a  council,  held  by  Minos  to  take 
measures  for  the  pursuit  of  his  daughters  and  Thesee.  The  scene 
is  changed  to  the  island  of  Naxos,  where  Phalare  persuades  Thesee 
to  transfer  his  affections  from  Ariadne  to  her  sister,  Phoedre. 
Thesee  and  his  new  love  then  leave  the  island,  on  which  Ariadne 
laments  her  abandonment  and  attempts  suicide.  She  is  comforted 
by  Bacchus,  however,  who  marries  her  upon  his  return  with  Pan 
and  Silene  from  the  conquest  of  the  East. 

The  sources  of  these  three  plays  are  found  in  Euripides's 
Alcestis  and  in  Ovid's  Ars  Amatoria,  Metamorphoses,  and  Heroides.2 
The  double  plot  and  consequent  violation  of  the  unities  in  Aleeste 
have  been  noted  above.3  The  action  in  Procris  is  also  double,  as 
it  is  concerned  with  the  fate  of  Procris  for  her  own  sake,  as  well 
as  with  the  accomplishment  of  the  desires  of  Aurore  and  Cephale. 
The  second  scene  of  the  first  act,  furthermore,  violates  the  unity 
of  action,  for  it  consists  of  a  dialogue  between  Thiton  and  Pritame, 
which  plays  no  part  in  the  development  of  the  plot.  In  Ariadne 
Rauie  there  are  three  independent  actions,  concerned,  respectively, 

XP.  18. 

'For  references  see  Rigal,  Alexandre  Hardy,  401,  410.  SP.  18. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  105 

with  the  council  of  Minos,  the  desertion  of  Ariadne  by  Thesee 
and  Phcedre,  and  the  rescue  of  Ariadne  by  Bacchus.  The  unities 
of  place  and  time  are  similarly  violated,  for  the  time  of  Procris 
and  Ariadne  Rauie  is  several  days,  of  Alceste  several  months,  at 
least ;  the  place  of  Procris  is  the  house  of  Cephale  and  several 
localities  in  a  forest ;  of  Ariadne  Rauie,  Crete  and  Naxos ;  of 
Alceste,  Sparta,  Thessaly,  and  Hades. 

From  Lucian's  Toxaris  Hardy  drew  the  plot  of  Arsacome,  in 
which  Leucanor,  roy  du  Bosphore,  chooses  a  husband  for  his 
daughter,  Masee,  from  among  princes  of  the  neighboring  countries. 
To  promote  their  suits,  Adimache  and  Tigrapate  boast  of  their 
wealth,  valor,  and  renown,  but  Arsacome,  who  is  loved  by  Masee, 
only  of  his  two  trusty  friends.  Adimache  is  chosen  by  the  king, 
who  laughs  Arsacome  to  scorn.  When  the  latter,  however,  retires 
to  Scythia  and  tells  his  two  friends  of  his  humiliation,  they  prove 
that  they  are  more  valuable  than  the  possessions  of  Arsacome's 
rivals,  for  one  slays  Leucanor,  while  the  other  aids  Masee  to 
escape  from  her  father's  palace  to  the  arms  of  Arsacome,  to  whom 
she  is  quickly  married.  The  time  of  the  action  is  several  months ; 
the  scene  is  laid  in  Bosphore,  Scythie,  and  the  land  of  the 
Malliens ;  the  unity  of  action  is  violated  chiefly  in  the  manner 
in  which  the  play  follows  the  story,  dramatizing  the  king's  choice 
of  Adimache  as  well  as  the  deeds  of  Arsacome's  friends.  The 
unity  of  the  play  suffers  through  the  absence  of  a  protagonist,  a 
title  that  cannot  well  be  applied  either  to  Arsacome,  or  to  his  two 
friends,  who,  more  than  he,  bring  about  the  denouement. 

Cornelie  is  based  on  Cervantes's  Novela  de  la  Senora  Cornelia.1 
The  heroine,  from  whom  the  play  takes  its  name,  has  been 
seduced  by  Alphonse,  Duke  of  Ferrara,  who  intends  to  marry 
her,  but  hesitates  till  after  a  child  is  born.  By  her  maid's  mis- 
take the  infant  is  given  one  night  to  Dom  Iuan  de  Galboa,  whose 
friend,  Dom  Anthoine  Isunca  rescues  Cornelie,  wandering  from 
home  for  fear  of  her  cousin,  Bentivole.  The  mother  and  child 
are  reunited  at  the  home  of  the  two  friends.  Meanwhile  Dom 
Iuan  rescues  Alphonse  from  the  vengeance  of  Bentivole  and  learns 

1Novelas  exemplares,  IV. 


106  The  French  Tragi-  Comedy : 

from  Cornelie  the  story  of  her  love  for  Alphonse.  Visiting  the 
latter,  he  finds  him  anxious  to  marry  Cornelie  and  easily  makes 
peace  between  him  and  Bentivole.  The  happiness  of  the  lovers 
is  delayed,  however,  by  the  flight  of  Cornelie,  who  still  fears 
Bentivole,  to  a  hermitage,  where  she  is  subsequently  discovered 
and  married  to  Alphonse.  The  unity  of  action  is  violated  by  the 
double  nature  of  the  plot,  concerned  with  the  separation  and 
reunion  of  mother  and  child  as  well  as  of  the  two  lovers,  by  a 
digression  in  the  fourth  scene  of  the  fourth  act,  and  by  the  fresh 
complications  introduced  toward  the  end  of  the  play  by  the  flight 
of  Cornelie.  The  duration  of  time  is  at  least  a  number  of  days ; 
the  scene  is  laid  in  various  localities  in  and  near  Bologna. 

Hardy  again  made  use  of  Cervantes  in  La  Force  du  Sang, 
derived  from  the  Novela  de  la  Fuerza  de  la  Sangre.1  Alphonse,  a 
Spanish  hidalgo,  carries  off  and  ravishes  Leocadie.  He  is  shortly 
afterward  sent  by  his  father,  Doni  Inigue,  to  travel  in  Italy  and 
France,  where  he  feels  remorse  for  his  crime  and  would  atone  for 
it.  Meanwhile  Leocadie  gives  birth  to  a  boy,  who,  seven  years 
later,  is  knocked  down  in  a  crowd  and  rescued  by  Dom  Inigue. 
The  latter  sees  the  family  likeness  in  his  newly  found  grandson 
and  subsequently  establishes  his  identity,  when  the  boy's  mother 
recognizes  the  room  in  which  she  has  been  ravished.  Dom  Inigue 
and  Leocadie's  parents  arrange  a  marriage  between  her  and 
Alphonse,  who  now  returns  from  his  travels  to  consent  gladly  to 
the  union.  Two  actions  are  dramatized  in  this  play :  the  first 
concerned  with  the  commission  of  Alphonse's  crime,  the  second 
with  its  atonement.  The  scene  is  laid  in  both  Spain  and  Italy. 
The  time  is  about  eight  years. 

In  Felismene,  a  tragi-comedy  based  on  the  Diana  of  Montemayor, 
Dom  Felix,  sent  by  his  father  from  Spain  to  Germany  in  order 
that  he  may  not  marry  the  beautiful,  but  humbly  born  Felismene, 
with  whom  he  is  in  love,  is  followed  by  this  young  woman,  who 
disguises  herself  as  a  page  and  enters  into  the  service  of  her  lover. 
She  is  employed  by  him  to  arrange  an  interview  with  Celie,  a 
German  Princess,  whom  Dom  Felix  now  loves.      Celie  rejects 

1  Novelas  ezemplares,  II. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  107 

Felix's  proposals,  but  falls  in  love  with  Felismene  in  her  disguise 
as  a  page  and  dies  of  grief  when  she  finds  that  the  latter  does  not 
return  her  passion.  Felix  is  accused  of  murdering  Celie,  while 
Felismene  is  unable  to  explain  the  true  situation  to  him,  for  fear 
that  he  may  suspect  her  of  having  murdered  her  rival.  She 
accordingly  becomes  a  shepherdess,  and  has  the  good  fortune  to 
rescue  Dom  Felix  from  his  enemies  by  means  of  her  darts.  He 
at  once  arranges  to  marry  his  rescuer.  The  numerous  episodic 
adventures  that  occur  in  this  play  destroy  the  unity  of  its  action. 
The  time  is  several  months.  The  scene  is  laid  in  Spain  and 
Germany. 

Dorise  is  based  on  the  Histoires  des  Amants  volages 1  of  Francois 
de  Rosset.  Salmacis  and  Licanor,  Persian  nobles,  love  Dorise, 
beautiful,  but  poor.  She  and  the  wealthy  Sydere  love  Salmacis, 
who  is  obliged  to  go  on  a  journey.  Licanor  and  Sydere  take 
advantage  of  his  absence  by  telling  Dorise  that  he  has  boasted  of 
having  possessed  her.  Convinced  that  Salmacis  has  thus  slandered 
her,  Dorise  tears  up  his  letter,  an  action  that,  when  told  him, 
makes  him  retire  to  a  hemitage.  Licanor  now  succeeds  in  winning 
the  hand  of  Dorise,  while  Sydere,  by  the  aid  of  a  magicienne 
obtains  that  of  Salmacis.  The  unity  of  action,  as  well  as  that  of 
interest,  is  here  violated  by  the  double  nature  of  the  plot,  which 
relates  the  fortunes  of  four  lovers  instead  of  two,  and  by  the 
introduction  of  the  magicienne,  a  deus  ex  machind.  The  scene  is 
laid  in  the  houses  of  the  lovers  and  in  a  hermitage  some  distance 
away.     The  time  is  a  number  of  days,  at  least. 

Fregonde  is  derived  from  Diego  Agreda's  Doce  Novelas  morales 
y  ejemplares.2  The  marquis  de  Cotron,  after  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  at  seducing  Fregonde,  wife  of  Dom  Yuan,  conquers  his 
passion  and  secures  the  husband  a  military  command.  Moved  by 
Dom  Yuan's  praise  of  the  marquis,  Fregonde  regrets  her  coldness 
toward  the  latter  and  intimates  to  him  her  change  of  heart.  The 
marquis,  however,  resists  her  advances,  but  shortly  afterward, 
when  Dom  Yuan  is  killed  in  battle  by  the  Turks,  he  renews  his 

1  Paris,  1619. 

2  Valencia,  1620.     Translated  into  French  by  J.  Baudoin,  Paris,  1621. 


108  The  French  Tragi-  Comedy : 

suit  and  readily  wins  Fregonde,  moved  by  her  own  inclination  and 
the  command  of  her  husband's  ghost.  The  action  is  divided  into 
three  parts,  the  marquis's  courtship  of  Fregonde,  the  latter's  court- 
ship of  the  marquis,  and  the  incidents  following  the  death  of  her 
husband,  an  event  similar  to  the  action  of  a  deus  ex  machind. 
Furthermore,  a  digression  is  made  in  the  third  scene  of  the  third 
act,  which  does  not  advance  the  action.  The  scene  is  laid  at 
Naples  and  on  the  coast  of  Calabria.  The  time  is  a  month  or 
more. 

Hardy  drew  upon  Boccaccio1  for  the  plot  of  Gesippe  ou  les 
Deux  Amis,  which  concerns  the  friendship  of  the  Athenian  Gesippe 
and  the  Roman  Tite.  The  former,  about  to  be  married  to  Sophro- 
nie,  insists  on  yielding  the  girl  to  his  friend,  when  he  finds  that 
the  latter  loves  her.  Tite,  after  some  remonstrance,  consents  to 
pass  the  night  with  her  in  Gesippe's  stead.  In  the  morning 
Sophronie  is  horrified  to  discover  the  imposture,  but  Gesippe 
continues  his  demonstrations  of  friendship  by  arranging  a  marriage 
between  Tite  and  Sophronie,  who  leave  Athens  for  Rome.  After 
some  time  Gesippe,  greatly  reduced  in  fortune,  seeks  aid  from 
Tite,  who  fails  to  recognize  him  when  they  meet  at  Rome. 
Gesippe,  thinking  that  Tite  despises  him,  retires  to  a  cave  to  die. 
In  the  cave  two  robbers  quarrel  over  stolen  property  and  one  of 
them  slays  the  other.  Gesippe,  arrested  for  the  crime,  declares 
himself  guilty,  but,  when  brought  before  the  senate,  he  is  recog- 
nized by  Tite,  become  senator,  who  seeks  to  rescue  him  by  declar- 
ing the  murder  to  be  his  own  deed.  The  ensuing  contest  in  generos- 
ity is  ended  by  the  guilty  robber,  who  confesses  his  crime  before  the 
senate.  Gesippe  is  released,  enriched  by  Tite,  and  married  to  the 
latter's  sister.  That  all  may  be  happy,  the  robber  is  pardoned  by 
virtue  of  his  voluntary  confession.  The  action  of  this  play  is 
evidently  double,  as  it  is  concerned,  first,  with  Gesippe's  sacrifice 
and  Tite's  marriage,  then,  with  the  adventures  of  Gesippe  at  Rome. 
The  time  must  extend  over  some  years,  the  place  includes  Athens 
and  Rome. 

1  Decameron,  x,  8. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  109 

Giraldi  Cinthio  l  furnished  the  source  of  Phraarte,  in  which  the 
son  of  the  King  of  Macedon  loves  Philagnie,  daughter  of  Cotys, 
King  of  Thrace.  War  is  declared  between  these  two  countries 
because  of  an  attempt  made  by  two  women,  agents  of  Cotys,  to 
poison  Philippe  of  Macedon.  His  son  Phraarte,  by  freeing  the 
women  from  prison,  secures  their  influence  with  Philagnie,  who 
now  allows  him  to  possess  her.  Philippe,  victorious  over  Cotys, 
takes  from  him  all  but  one  city,  in  which  the  latter  is  besieged  by 
Phraarte,  captured,  and  imprisoned  for  the  supposed  murder  of 
Philagnie.  She,  however,  with  her  new-born  infant  has  taken 
refuge  at  a  peasant's  house.  On  hearing  of  the  Macedonian  victory, 
she  hastens  to  Phraarte,  who  receives  her  joyfully,  frees  her  father, 
and  gives  him  back  his  kingdom.  The  lovers  are  married  and 
Phraarte  is  acknowledged  heir  to  the  throne  of  Thrace.  The  events 
in  this  play  are  ordered  as  in  a  novel,  with  the  story  told  from  the 
beginning.  The  action  is  double,  concerned  with  the  courtship  of 
Philagnie  and  her  restoration  to  Phraarte.  The  time  is  a  year  or 
more.  The  scene  is  laid  at  various  localities  in  Thrace  and 
Macedon. 

The  plot  of  Elmire  is  drawn  from  the  Deuxiesme  volume  des 
Meditations  historiques  de  31.  Philippe  Camerarius,  translated  from 
Latin  into  French  by  Simon  Goulart.2  The  Comte  de  Gleichen, 
imprisoned  in  Egypt,  refuses  to  accept  his  liberty  at  the  price  of 
turning  Mahometan,  but  consents  to  escape  with  Elmire,  daughter 
of  the  Sultan,  who  loves  him  and  whom  he  agrees  to  marry,  if  the 
Pope  will  grant  him  an  indulgence  to  have  two  wives.  Meanwhile 
the  comtesse,  left  in  Germany,  resists  the  solicitations  of  the 
marquis  de  Bade  and  remains  faithful  to  her  husband.  When 
Gleichen  reaches  Rome,  he  has  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  his 
indulgence,  and  marries  Elmire.  On  his  return  to  Germany  the 
two  wives  become  devoted  friends,  each  insisting  on  yielding 
Gleichen  to  the  other.     He  arranges,  however,  to  divide  his  time 

1  Cent  excellentes  nouvelles  de  M.  Jean  Baptiste  Giraldy  Cynthien  .  .  .  Mis  d'  Italien 
en  Francois  par  Gabriel  Chappuys  Tourangeau.     Paris,  1584. 

2  Lyon,  1610.  Rigal  ^Alexandre  Hardy,  239,  has  shown  that  the  story  is  not  told 
by  Camerarius,  but  added  by  the  translator,  who  got  it  from  Andre  Ilonsdorf, 
Thedtre  d'  exemples. 


110  The  French   Tragi-  Comedy : 

equally  between  them.  In  this  story  two  plots  are  interwoven 
concerning  the  bigamy  of  Gleichen  and  his  wife's  resistance  of  the 
marquis  de  Bade.  The  time  is  about  a  year.  The  scene  is  laid  in 
Egypt,  Italy,  and  Germany. 

Hardy  returned  to  Cervantes  in  La  Belle  LJgyptienne,  which  is 
derived  from  the  Novela  de  la  Gitanilla}  Dom  lean  de  Carcame 
joins  the  gipsies  in  order  to  marry  Precieuse,  one  of  their  number. 
He  easily  surpasses  his  rival  Clement,  but  is  troubled  by  Carduche, 
a  wealthy  bourgeoise,  who  wishes  to  marry  him.  When  he  refuses 
her  on  the  ground  that  a  gipsy  cannot  marry  a  woman  of  another 
race,  she  accuses  him  of  theft  and  pretends  to  find  jewels  in  his 
wallet.  In  the  disturbance  that  follows,  lean  kills  a  soldier  who 
has  struck  him,  is  arrested  and  taken  before  a  judge,  who  fortu- 
nately turns  out  to  be  the  father  of  Precieuse,  stolen  by  the  gipsies 
when  a  child  and  now  recognized  by  marks  on  her  body.  lean 
reveals  his  identity,  finds  that  the  judge  is  a  friend  of  his  father, 
is  released  and  married  to  Precieuse  after  a  mock-sentence  of  death 
has  been  passed  upon  him.  There  is  little  dramatic  unity  in  this 
play,  as  the  incidents  of  the  story  are  narrated  one  after  another 
with  small  regard  to  a  central  action.  The  incident  of  Clement's 
rivalry  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  development  of  the  plot.  The 
scene  is  laid  near  Madrid  and  Seville  and  in  Estramadura.  The 
time  is  several  months. 

The  first  romanesque  tragi-comedy  of  the  seventeenth  century 
extant  from  another  pen  than  Hardy's  is  L'Aymee,  jeu  tragecomique 
(1601),  a  slight  composition,  written  to  be  played  after  a  banquet, 
if  one  may  draw  any  conclusions  from  the  opening  lines : 

- '  Apres  ceste  table  levee 
Oil  les  tiens  ont  beu  a.  qui  mieux." 

The  lack  of  incidents  and  total  absence  of  intrigue  make  this 
play  a  very  exceptional  tragi-comedy,  which  shows  in  its  lyric 
measures  and  the  character  of  its  personages  the  influence  of  the 
pastoral,  although  no  shepherds  are  introduced  into  it.  The  plot 
is  probably  due  to  the  author's  invention. 

1Novelas  exemplares,  I. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  Ill 

The  author  states  in  his  dedication  that  his  aim  is  to  contrast 
P  amour  sainct  with  V amour  charnel,  an  object  that  is  scarcely 
obvious  from  a  reading  of  the  play.  Content  is  assured  by  a 
dream  and  by  an  echo  that  his  love  for  Ayrnee,  Diane's  nymph, 
will  be  successful.  Le  Desespere,  on  the  other  hand,  laments 
extravagantly  his  unsuccessful  love  of  this  nymph.  After  Antoine, 
Content's  valet,  has  humorously  complained  of  his  task  of  announc- 
ing to  Aymee  his  master's  visit,  the  lovers  discuss  philosophically 
the  true  nature  of  love  aud  Content  sings  the  praises  of  Aymee. 
Le  Desesper§,  rejected  by  Aymee,  stabs  himself,  crying : 

"  Sus  done,  qu'un  poignard  m'ouvre  au  besoin  la  poitrine, 
La  Parque  me  domine, 
Malheureux.  je  me  jette  aux  ondes  d' Acheron, 
Mais  heureux,  je  verray  et  Styx  et  Phlegeton."  ' 

Antoine  discovers  the  suicide  and  buries  the  body.     Diane  fears 

that  ill  luck  may  come  from  this  death,  but  Aymee  reminds  her 

that 

"  Kien  de  mauvais  n' arrive  a  ceux  qui  vivent  bien 
Et  ceux  qui  craignent  Dieu  d'ailleurs  ne  craignent  rien."  a 

Songs  by  nymphs  and  the  paranymphe  follow  in  praise  of  love  and 
marriage,  accompanied  by  Antoine' s  more  practical  observations 
on  the  same  subjects.  After  Content  and  Aymee  have  celebrated 
the  power  of  love,  an  epithalamium  is  recited,  and  Ayrnee  declares : 

"  Par  un  baiser  je  t'ai  donne  mon  ame  : 
Par  un  baiser  ta  levre  me  le  rend."  3 

The  play  is  ended  by  Antoine  "  fort  de  ce  qu'il  a  veu  et  ouy  a  la 
porte." 

Although  there  is  scarcely  any  plot  to  this  play,  the  unity  of 
action  is  violated  by  the  incident  of  Le  Desespere,  which  does  not 
influence  the  love-affair  of  Content  and  Aymee.  The  statements 
regarding  the  location  aud  duration  of  the  action  are  not  clear,  but 
it  seems  to  take  place  in  several  neighboring  localities  and  to  last 
for  several  days,  at  least. 

1m,  3.  2iv,  1.  3v,  3. 


112  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

The  next  tragi-comedy  is  the  Lucelle  (1607)  of  Jacques  Duha- 
mel,  a  versified  reprint  of  the  Lucelle  of  Louis  Le  Jars.1  As  it 
follows  its  model  closely,  occasionally  curtailing  or  expanding 
scenes,  but  not  materially  altering  the  plot  or  treatment,  it  is 
unnecessary  to  give  its  analysis  here. 

Two  years  later  appeared  L'Ethiopique  by  Octave-Cesar  Genetay, 
a  play  that  is,  like  Hardy's  Theagene  et  CaricUe,2  based  on  the 
romance  of  Heliodorus.  The  play  does  not  show  the  direct  influ- 
ence of  Hardy's  drama.3  It  is  much  more  classical  than  this,  for 
it  has  a  chorus,  a  prologue,  only  five  acts,  a  scene  laid  in  a  single 
town,  and  an  action  that  covers  a  short  space  of  time.  The  play 
begins  with  the  meeting  of  Sisimetre,  who  had  given  Chariclee, 
when  an  infant,  to  Charicles  at  the  command  of  her  mother, 
Persine,  Queen  of  Ethiopia,  and  Charicles,  come  to  Egypt  in 
pursuit  of  the  same  Chariclee,  who  has  grown  to  womanhood  and 
eloped  with  Theagene,  Prince  of  Thessaly.  Charicles  relates  the 
story  of  her  flight,  wThich  here  inspired  the  first  journee  of  Hardy's 
drama.  Sisimetre  replies  with  the  information  that  she  and  her 
lover  have  been  condemned  by  Hydaspe,  King  of  Ethiopia,  to  be 
sacrificed  to  the  gods.  Sisimetre  now  informs  Chariclee  that  she 
is  the  daughter  of  Hydaspe  and  that  her  mother  had  wished  her 
exposed  lest  her  white  complexion  should  cause  her  legitimacy  to 
be  suspected.  He  promises  to  save  her  with  her  lover.  The  third 
act  is  taken  up  with  preparations  for  a  combat  between  Theagene 
and  a  giant.  Persine,  informed  that  Chariclee  is  her  daughter, 
rescues  her  from  prison  and  learns  of  her  wanderings,  which  had 
furnished  the  plot  of  six  journees  in  Hardy's  drama.  The  chorus, 
which  ends  each  act,  here  discourses  on  the  difference  between 

1  See  above,  p.  62.  2  See  above,  page  102. 

3  That  it  is  not  based  on  Hardy' s  work  is  shown  by  the  transliteration  of  the 
heroine' s  name,  which  is  Cariclee  in  one  and  Chariclee  in  the  other,  both  of  which 
are  due  to  the  Greek  writing  with  the  letter  chi;  also  by  episodes  that  appear  in 
Heliodorus  and  Genetay,  but  not  in  Hardy :  as,  for  example,  when  Charicle'e  is 
offered  in  marriage  to  Mercebe  in  Heliodorus  and  Genetay,  while  that  prince  does 
not  appear  in  Hardy  ;  or  when  the  giant,  presented  by  ambassadors  and  barely 
mentioned  in  Hardy,  is  presented  by  Meroebe  and  treated  at  some  length  in  Helio- 
dorus and  Genetay. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  113 

white  and  black  races,  promulgating  the  law  of  reversion  to  pre- 
vious types : 

"  Et  si  quelqu'un  vient  a  naistre 
De  teint  qui  soit  different 
II  le  tient  de  quelque  ancestre 
Qui  l'a  eu  tel  apparent."  * 

Hydaspe,  greatly  pleased  at  the  discovery  of  his  daughter's 
identity,  wishes  to  marry  her  to  his  nephew  Mercebe,  but  he  is 
determined  to  sacrifice  Theagene,  who  has  just  overthrown  the 
giant  and  a  bull.  He  regrets  that  the  sacrifice  is  necessary,  add- 
ing : 

"  Mais  quoy  ?  la  loy  le  veut  et  mon  vceu  solennel, 
Et  faut  que  vous  soyez  immole'  sur  l'autel  : 
Prenez  pourtant  bon  coeur  ;  vostre  mort  honorable 
Sera  de  temps  en  temps  entre  nous  memorable."  2 

Charicles  now  arrives,  demanding  vengeance  on  Theagene  for 
carrying  off  Chariclee.  He  is  well  received  and  assured  of 
Theagene's  approaching  end.  Chariclee  begs  for  his  life  and, 
when  Hydaspe  continues  inexorable,  follows  her  lover  into  the 
fire,  which  has  been  prepared  to  test  his  chastity.  The  flames 
flee  from  the  virtuous  couple,  an  event  which  so  startles  Hydaspe 
that  after  learning  from  Sisimetre  that  human  sacrifice  is  a  super- 
stitious practice,  he  frees  Theagene.  When  told  that  he  is  of 
royal  blood,  he  marries  him  to  Chariclee,  satisfying  his  nephew 
with  another  spouse. 

This  play  is  more  compact  and  more  smoothly  written  than 
Hardy's  long  drama,  but  it  is  less  dramatic,  consisting  of  recita- 
tions and  a  hurried  denouement.  The  unity  of  action  is  violated 
by  the  digressions  concerned  with  the  giant  and  Meroebe  and  by 
the  long  narrations  of  previous  events  in  the  story  of  the  lovers. 
The  action  does  not  last  more  than  a  few  days  and  is  confined  to 
the  city  of  Meroe. 

A  second  tragi-comedy  was  published  in  1609,  called  Marjilie 
or,  in  the  edition  of  1G28,  V Innocence  Descouverte,  the  plot  of 


IV. 


114  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

which  seems  remotely  connected  with  the  story  of  Hippolytus  and 
Phsedra,  with  the  vindication  and  escape  of  the  former,  conforma- 
bly with  the  usage  of  the  tragi-comedy.  The  use  made  of  a  drug, 
supposed  to  be  a  poison,  and  the  prominent  role  of  the  valet 
suggest  the  influence  of  Lucelle.1  In  the  first  act  Marfilie,  wife  of 
Phocus,  a  Roman  knight,  confesses  to  her  nonrrice  her  love  for 
her  stepson,  Fabrice.  To  the  remonstrances  of  the  nourrice  she 
replies  that  "  l'amour  n'a  point  de  loy,"  citing  the  classic  examples 
of  Myrrha,  Phsedra,  Biblis,  and  others.  Seeing  that  her  passion 
cannot  be  conquered,  the  nourrice  arranges  a  meeting  between 
Fabrice  and  her  mistress  by  pretending  that  the  latter  is  sick.  A 
physician  declares  that  she  suffers  from  "  une  humeur  bilieuse " 
and  prescribes  as  follows  : 

' '  Vous  prendrez  tout  premier  ce  petit  apozeme, 
Puis  dessus  vostre  cceur  sera  cet  epitheme, 
Usez  de  ce  iulep  altemativement, 
Ces  sirops  esteindront  vostre  feu  vehement,  etc."  2 

The  valet,  Thomas,  parodies  these  lines  with  others  of  insistant 
vulgarity.  Fabrice  now  receives  a  declaration  of  love  from 
Marfilie,  which  he  rejects  with  horror.  Immediately  after,  however, 
he  pretends  to  be  willing  to  comply  with  her  requests,  in  order  to 
cure  her.  The  situation  is  relieved  by  the  timely  arrival  of 
Phocus.  Fabrice  soliloquizes  on  the  wickedness  of  women,  citing 
historical  examples,  when  Marfilie  enters,  lamenting  her  sufferings 
with  great  priciosite : 

1 '  Playe,  non,  ains  un  feu  brusle  incessamment, 
Un  feu  non,  un  vautour  me  livre  ce  tourment, 
Un  vautour,  non,  ie  faux,  une  rage  amoureuse, 
Rage,  non,  ains  plustost  une  vie  ennuyeuse, 
Vie,  non,  ains  plustost  une  cruelle  mort, 
Mort,  non,  elle  ne  peut,  son  dard  n'est  assez  fort 
Pour  faire  tant  de  mal,  ou  bien  c'est  ce  me  semble 
Playe,  vautour,  feu,  rage,  et  vie,  et  mort  ensemble."  3 

When  Fabrice  rejects  her  proposals,  she  cries 

"  Lares,  larues,  lutins,  lemures  et  demons," 
1  See  above,  p.  62.  2n.  srxt. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  115 

which  Thomas  parodies  with, 

"O  iambons,  cervelas,  bouteilles  et  flacons." 

Resolved  to  revenge  her  rejection  by  poisoning  Fabrice,  she 
sends  Thomas  to  the  physician  for  "  la  froide  cigue,  le  caustique 
arcenic,  ou  le  prompt  sublime."  The  valet,  arrived  at  the  physi- 
cian's house,  gives  a  long  account  of  the  "  cul  musicien  "  in  a  pass- 
age that  seems  to  have  obtained  some  celebrity.1  After  bantering 
the  physician  for  some  time,  he  obtains  a  drug,  which,  he  is  told, 
is  the  required  poison.  When  this  is  put  into  wine  to  destroy 
Fabrice,  it  is  drunk  by  Anthoine,  Marfilie's  son,  who  at  once 
becomes  unconscious.  Marfilie,  now  in  great  distress,  is  advised 
by  the  nourrice  to  accuse  Fabrice  of  murdering  his  half-brother. 

A  court  scene  is  next  represented,  in  which  two  conseillers 
generalize  at  length  on  justice,  while  Thomas  suggests : 

"  Disons  tant  seulement  que  tout  ainsi  qu'on  voit 
L' aiguille  du  Nocher  tendre  tousiours  vers  l'ourse, 
La  main  d'un  aduocat  tend  tousiours  vers  la  bourse."  2 

Phocus  demands  vengeance  for  Anthoine's  murder.  Against 
Fabrice's  protest  of  innocence,  the  nourrice  offers  a  detailed  testi- 
mony of  the  poisoning.  The  judge,  convinced  of  his  guilt,  is 
about  to  sentence  him  to  death,  when  the  physician  arrives  with 
information  regarding  the  purchase  of  the  drug.  Anthoine  is  now 
revived.  Marfilie,  after  confessing  her  crime,  is  banished  with 
Thomas  and  the  nourrice ;  Fabrice  is  released  and  reunited  to  his 
father. 

The  unity  of  action  is  here  violated  by  the  comic  elements 
introduced  chiefly  in  the  role  of  Thomas.  The  place  is  limited  to 
a  single  city,  of  which  several  localities  are  represented.  The  time 
is  probably  not  longer  than  a  few  days. 

In  the  following  year  appeared  Genevre,  an  undramatic  play, 
based  on  the  Orlando  Furioso,3  that  has  been  fully  analyzed  by 
Th.  Roth.4     Ariodan  declares  his  determination   to  kill  himself 

1  Cf.  Soleinne,  i,  No.  941.         2  v.         s  iv,  stanzas  56-72  ;  v  ;  vi,  stanzas  2-16. 
*  For  references,  see  appendix  B,  n. 


116  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

from  despair  at  the  infidelity  of  Genevre,  daughter  of  the  King  of 
Scotland.  His  brother,  Lurquain,  accuses  Genevre  of  licentious 
conduct  and  the  King  reluctantly  agrees  to  put  her  to  death,  if 
she  be  proved  guilty.  The  question  is  to  be  decided  by  a  duel 
between  Lurquain  and  Genevre's  champion,  who  presents  himself 
in  armor,  so  that  he  is  unrecognized.  In  the  midst  of  the  combat 
Renaut  de  Montauban  arrives,  separates  the  two  men,  and  proves 
Genevre's  innocence  and  the  guilt  of  Polynesse  and  Dalyde, 
whom  Ariodan  had  thought  to  be  Genevre  when  she  received 
Polynesse  into  her  chamber.  Polynesse  is  condemned  to  be  burnt. 
Genevre's  champion,  removing  his  armor,  shows  that  he  is  no 
other  than  Ariodan,  escaped  from  the  sea,  in  which  he  had  sought 
death.  The  marriage  of  the  reunited  lovers  is  at  once  arranged. 
The  unity  of  action  is  here  violated  by  the  interposition  of 
Renaut,  who  has  taken  no  part  in  the  first  four  acts  of  the  play 
and  consequently  serves  as  a  deus  ex  machind.  The  time  is  at 
least  a  month.  The  scene  is  laid  in  several  localities  near  the 
court  of  the  King  of  Scotland. 

The  story  of  the  Widow  of  Ephesus,  which  has  furnished  a 
popular  theme  in  fable  literature  since  Phsedrus x  was  dramatized 
in  1614  by  Pierre  Brinon  under  the  title  of  VEphesienne,  tragi- 
comedie.  In  the  argument  the  author  states  that  his  source  is 
found  in  the  Satires  of  Petronius  Arbiter,2  whose  brief  narrative 
is  greatly  elaborated  in  the  play.  Astasie  la  Vefve  laments  her 
husband's  death  and  resolves  to  follow  him  to  the  grave,  replying 
to  the  remonstrances  of  her  friends  : 

"II  ne  sera  point  dit  que  iamais  Astasie 
Non,  qui  luy  donneroit  le  Sceptre  de  1'  Asie, 
Ait  oublie  celuy  qu'elle  avoit  en  si  cher  ; 
Pour  luy  ie  veux  fuir  et  le  monde  et  la  chair, 
Et  sa  triste  demeure  a  mes  plaisirs  eleue 
Sera  le  lieu  fatal  de  ma  mort  resolue. ' ' 3 

1  For  references  to  various  versions,  see  A.  C.  M.  Robert,  Fables  Inedites,  n, 
430,  Paris,  1825  ;  2  vols. 

8  Cf.  Petronii  Satirae  et  Liber  Priapeorum,  77-79,  edited  by  Franciscus  Bueche- 
ler,  Berlin,  1882. 


Its  Origin  and  Development  117 

Teleme,  the  servante,  commends  this  resolution  and  agrees  to 
follow  her  mistress.  The  magistrate,  Dicaste,  unable  to  turn 
Astasie  from  her  purpose,  leaves  her  bidding  adieu  to  her  city,  her 
friends,  and  her  life.  A  chorus  of  Ephesian  virgins  praises  her 
constancy.  In  the  next  act  Frontin  leads  before  Calepe,  governor 
of  the  city,  a  detachment  of  soldiers  in  charge  of  a  captured  pirate 
captain.  After  describing  the  capture,  he  is  ordered  to  hang  the 
pirate  and  guard  his  body,  exposed  on  the  gallows.  The  next  act 
shows  Frontin  guarding  the  body  and  complaining  of  this  unwel- 
come duty  in  a  passage  that  seems  to  express  the  true  feeling  of 
the  author  and  the  soldier  : 

"  Et  puis  suyvez  la  Cour  !  faites  service  aux  grands  ! 
Donnez  a  leurs  plaisirs  vostre  force  et  vos  ans  ! 
Embrassez  leurs  desseins  d'un  zele  tout  extresme  ! 
Meprisez  vos  amys  !  meprisez-vous  vous-mesme  ! 
Courez  mille  hazards  pour  leur  ambition  ! 
A  la  premiere  liumeur,  la  moindre  impression 
Qu'ils  prendront  contre  vous,  vous  voila  hors  de  grace, 
Et  cela  seulement  tous  vos  bien-faits  efface. ' ' 

Seeing  a  light  in  a  tomb  hard  by,  he  approaches  it  and  finds 
Astasie  and  Teleme,  who  tell  him  the  reason  of  their  presence 
there.  He  argues  against  the  widow's  resolution,  convincing 
Teleme  that  life  is  worth  living  and  making  an  agreeable  impres- 
sion on  Astasie,  although  she  does  not  change  her  purpose.  As 
day  approaches,  Frontin  retires,  but  returns  the  next  night  with 
food  and  drink  and  declares  his  love  to  Astasie.  Urged  by  him 
and  Teleme,  she  says  : 

"Bailie  done  que  ie  mange  afin  de  te  complaire. 

Ha,  que  c'  est  chose  douce  a,  un  corps  aflame- 

D' avoir  dequoy  manger  ! 
Frontin  :  Plus  douce  d'estre  aime" 

A  un  coeur  qui  languit  recuit  de  mille  flames ! 
Astasie  :  Mais  est-il  vray  Frontin  qu'on  aime  tant  les  femmes?"  * 

After  further  argument,  Frontin  swears  to  marry  her  and  she 
replies : 


118  The  French  Tragi-  Comedy  : 

"  Ie  ne  peux  refuser  ce"t  honneur  desirable 
De  plus  dignes  que  moy  l'auroient  bien  agreable  : 
Le  bon-heur  m'a  voulu  que  perdant  mon  tresor, 
Un  autre  m'est  offert  plus  precieux  encor."  1 

While  Astasie  and  Frontin  are  enjoying  in  advance  the  marital 
privileges,  pirates  carry  off  the  body  of  their  leader  from  the 
gallows.  Frontin,  upon  leaving  the  tomb  to  arrange  his  marriage, 
discovers  the  loss  of  the  body  and  laments  his  fate,  for  he  will  be 
put  to  death  as  soon  as  his  negligence  becomes  known.  But  the 
widow  comforts  him,  advising  that  the  body  of  her  dead  husband 
be  substituted  for  that  of  the  pirate  : 

"Car  puisque  mon  Destin  veut  cette  extremite" 
Que  de  deux  corps  aimez  ie  perde  l'un  ou  1' autre, 
Celuy  de  mon  mari  ia  deffunct,  ou  le  vostre, 
Pour  ne  perdre  le  vif  que  le  Ciel  m'a  rendu 
Ie  bailleray  le  mort  qui  m'est  desia  perdu." 

They  accordingly  place  the  body  on  the  gallows,  thus  saving 
Frontin  and  removing  all  obstacles  to  their  marriage. 

The  unity  of  action  is  here  nearly  observed  except  for  the 
second  act,  which,  concerned  with  the  account  of  the  pirate's 
capture  and  the  command  to  hang  him,  might  have  been  omitted 
from  the  play  without  affecting  the  progress  of  the  principal 
action.  The  scene  is  laid  in  and  around  Ephesus.  The  time  is 
about  a  week. 

The  story  of  Apollonius  of  Tyre,  known  in  various  versions, 
was  drawn  from  the  Gesta  Romanorum  cum  applicationibus,  chapter 
153,  to  be  dramatized  as  Les  Heureuses  Infortunes,  a  tragi-comedy 
by  Bernier  de  la  Brousse  (1617).2  The  details  of  the  story  are 
largely  followed  with  accuracy,  though  some  are  omitted  and 
others  expanded  for  dramatic  purposes.  The  long  narrative,  from 
the  incest  of  Antiochus  to  the  reunion  of  Apollonius's  family  is 
dramatized  in  two  joumees  of  five  acts  each.     Little  delicacy  is 

1iv. 

2  For  the  text  of  the  Gesta  Romanorum  and  a  study  of  the  versions  of  the  story, 
see  S.  Singer,  Apollonius  von  Tyrus,  Halle,  1895.  Several  French  versions  are 
mentioned  by  A.  H.  Smith,  Shakespeare's  Pericles  and  Apollonius  of  Tyre,  41-3, 
Philadelphia,  1898.     Neither  of  these  authors  mentions  Les  Heureuses  Infortunes. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  119 

shown  in  the  treatment  of  Antioque  and  his  daughter  in  the 
opening  act.     The  king  glories  in  his  crime,  defying  the  gods : 

"De  leur  feu,  de  leur  fer,  ruon  cceur  n'a  nul  soucy 
Qu'ils  commandent  au  ciel,  moy  ie  commande  icy."  x 

His  daughter  laments  her  unfortunate  position.  At  the  end  of  the 
act  the  due  d'Apamee  presents  himself  before  the  king,  only  to 
die  for  failing  to  guess  the  riddle,  which  gives  to  the  man  who 
solves  it  the  hand  of  Antioque's  daughter.  But  Apollonie  guesses 
this  riddle,  as  Antioque  tells  his  attendant : 

"  II  a  leu  dans  mon  ame,  et  tire-  de  mon  coeur 
Le  doux  amour,  qui  fait  que  ie  ne  vis  qu'en  peur. 
Quels  dieux  l'ont  inspired  qui  prompt  a  ma  ruine 
Luy  auroit  descouvert  le  fonds  de  ma  poictrine?"  a 

He  seeks  to  kill  Apollonie,  but  the  latter  escapes,  only  to  be 
shipwrecked  and  rescued  by  a  fisherman.  No  attempt  is  made  at 
introducing  the  humorous  and  realistic  conversation  of  the  fisher- 
men, found  in  the  corresponding  part  of  Pericles  Prince  of  Tyre. 
Arrived  at  the  court  of  Altistrate,  King  of  Pentapolis,  Apollonie 
gains  his  favor  and  the  love  of  his  daughter,  Lucine,  whose  music- 
teacher  he  becomes.  She  rejects  noble  suitors  and  insists  upon 
marrying  Apollonie,  finally  winning  her  father's  consent.  The 
subsequent  news  of  Antioque's  death  and  the  accession  of  Apollonie 
to  his  throne  is  celebrated  by  the  lovers  in  lyric  measures : 

' '  Soit  que  tu  sois  dans  les  Cieux 

Dieu  des  dieux 
Ou  en  ta  Crete  ennoblie 
Entens  de  nostre  chanson 

Le  doux  son 
Et  iamais  ne  nous  oublie,  etc."  3 

The  couple  now  take  ship  for  their  new  kingdom.  A  last  scene  is 
added  to  this  first  part  of  the  drama  to  show  that  the  fisherman, 
who  had  saved  Apollonie  and  been  forgotten  by  him,  is  finally 
rewarded. 

ii,  1.  2n,  1.  3v,  1. 


120  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

Fifteen  years  elapse  between  the  first  and  second  parts,  a  depar- 
ture, the  author  declares  in  his  preface,  from  the  "  forme  absolue 
de  la  Tragedie."  The  story  is  recommenced  at  the  point  where 
Dorade  expresses  to  her  husband  her  envy  of  Tharsie,  the  daughter 
whom  Apollonie  has  left  in  their  charge  with  much  treasure,  and 
her  desire  to  do  away  with  her  in  order  that  their  daughter  may 
inherit  this  wealth.  The  husband's  objections  are  silenced  by  his 
crafty  wife,  who  engages  a  slave,  Theophile,  to  kill  the  girl.  The 
attempted  murder  of  Tharsie  and  her  rescue  by  pirates  are  not 
acted,  as  they  are  in  Pericles,  but  are  related  by  Theophile  in  a 
lengthy  monologue.  He  tells  Dorade  that  he  has  slain  the  girl 
and  asks  for  his  liberty,  the  reward  that  she  has  promised  him. 
She  replies  : 

"  Quoy  ?  meschant,  liberty  pour  un  meurtre  commis 
II  n'en  faut  point  parler  ;  et  si  tu  m'en  accuse, 
I' ay  assez  de  moyens  pour  me  servir  d'excuse. 
Fay  comme  auparavant,  si  ie  t'oy  plus  prescher 
Hault  ie  te  feray  pendre,  ou  tout  vif  escorcher."  1 

Meantime  Tharsie,  sold  to  the  keeper  of  a  brothel  in  Metelin,  is 
told  that  she  must  help  in  the  business.  By  the  aid  of  Athanagore, 
Prince  of  Lesbos,  whom  she  wins  over  to  a  virtuous  life  when  he 
visits  her  for  other  purposes,  she  succeeds  in  making  a  living  by 
music,  astrology,  and  mathematics,  till  her  father  Apollonie, 
informed  by  Dorade  that  she  is  dead,  arrives  in  despair  off  the 
coast  of  Lesbos.  Athanagore  sends  Tharsie  to  divert  him,  but, 
after  guessing  her  riddles,  Apollonie  orders  her  out  of  his  presence, 
whereupon  she  laments,  calling  herself  by  her  name.  This  leads 
to  her  recognition  and  restoration  to  her  father.  After  marrying 
her  to  Athanagore,  Apollonie  proceeds  to  Ephesus  in  obedience  to  a 
dream,  and  is  reunited  to  Lucine,  who  had  been  living  in  a  convent 
there  since  the  birth  of  Tharsie.  Another  scene  shows  Dorade 
hearing  through  her  husband's  dream  of  the  punishment  in  store 
for  her  crimes. 

The  violation  of  the  unities  in  this  play  is  too  obvious  to  need 
notice.    The  play  includes  four  stories  :  the  incestuous  relations  of 

1  Part  ii,  n,  1. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  121 

Antioque  and  his  daughter  ;  the  marriage  of  Apollonie  and  Luciue ; 
the  story  of  Tharsie  ;  the  reunion  of  Apollonie  and  Luciue.  Each 
part  takes  up  several  months  at  least,  while  a  period  of  fifteen 
years  elapses  between  them.  The  scene  of  the  first  part  is  laid  at 
Antioch  and  in  Pentapolis,  that  of  the  second  at  Tarsus,  Mitylene, 
and  Ephesus. 

In  1618  appeared  Aretaphile,  the  first  play  of  Pierre  Du  Kyer. 
The  manuscript  in  which  the  work  has  been  preserved  states  that 
it  was  received  with  much  applause  and  called  sa  pilce  by  the  due 
d'Orleans.  A  further  proof  that  it  was  acted  is  that  it  appears  in 
the  Memoire 1  of  Mahelot,  which  gives  the  decoration  that  it 
needed  when  acted  at  the  Hotel  de  Bourgogne : 

"II  faut,  au  milieu  du  theatre,  un  palais  cache  ou  il  ayt  un 
tombeau  et  des  armes,  de  la  bougie,  des  larmes,  du  soucy,  deux 
piramides  ardantes.  Au  devant  de  ce  palais,  un  autre  palais  pour 
un  roy.  A  un  des  costez  du  theatre,  une  grande  tour,  et  de  l'autre 
coste,  une  chambre  fermee,  des  tablaux,  une  table,  des  flambeaux 
dedans  la  chambre.  Au  troisiesme  acte,  il  se  faict  une  nuit.  II 
faut  deux  menottes  ou  chaisnes,  deux  fiolles,  un  chapeau  de  fleurs, 
une  ficelle  ou  l'on  attache  une  lettre." 

The  plot  of  the  play  is  taken  from  Plutarch's  Virtues  of  Women 2 
with  changes  in  personages  and  incidents.  It  has  been  incom- 
pletely analyzed  by  La  Valliere,  and  by  his  follower,  K.  Philipp, 
in  a  recent  dissertation.3  The  scene  is  laid  in  Libya,  where 
Aretaphile  is  wooed  by  Philarque,  son  of  the  king,  and  his  cousin, 
Nicocrate.  She  dismisses  the  latter  and  goes  with  the  former  into 
the  garden  to  hear  the  birds  sing.  The  king  arranges  a  marriage 
between  his  son  and  Aretaphile,  reflecting  that, 

"  Malgr6  la  tombe,  ou  le  destin  nous  livre 
Notre  posterity  nous  peut  faire  revivre."  4 

Nicocrate,  however,  determines  to  prevent  this  union  and  soon 
informs  the  audience  of  his  succession  to  the  hand  of  Aretaphile 
and  the  throne  of  her  father  : 

1  Fol.  35  Vo  and  36. 

*  No.  xix.  Cf.  Plutarchi  Scripta  Moralia,  I,  315,  Paris,  1868. 

3  For  references,  see  Appendix  B,  u.  *  i,  7. 


122  The  French  Tragi-Comedy : 

"  Les  Dieux  sont  Kois  au  Ciel,  je  le  suis  ici  bas, 
Qu'ils  gouvernent  la  haut  la  pluye  et  le  tonnerre, 
Pour  moy  j'aurai  le  soin  de  gouverner  la  terre"  * 

He  rejoices  in  his  cruelty  and  punishes  a  sacrijicateur  who  warns 
him  against  it.  When  his  mother  informs  him  that  Aretaphile  has 
attempted  to  give  him  poison,  he  shows  his  cruelty  by  forcing  a 
captive  to  drink  the  liquid  in  question  and  thus  proving  its  deadly 
effect. 

Aretaphile,  imprisoned  while  awaiting  trial  for  this  attempt,  is 
visited  by  her  lover,  Philarque,  who  passes  her  a  letter  by  means  of  a 
cord,  when  he  is  obliged  to  retire  by  the  approach  of  soldiers.  Sum- 
moned before  her  husband,  Aretaphile  replies  to  his  reproaches, 
"  l'innocence  et  l'amour  meprisent  le  danger,"  explaining  that  the 
poison  was  a  love  potion,  which  she  gave  him  for  fear  that  he 
loved  another.  As  soon  as  she  is  released,  she  plots  again  to 
destroy  Nicocrate,  who,  she  discovers,  has  fallen  in  love  with  her 
sister,  Belise,  who  loves  and  is  loved  by  his  brother,  Cleandre. 
By  showing  Cleandre  a  letter  from  Nicocrate,  Belise  incites  him  to 
have  the  latter  murdered,  when  he  comes  to  visit  her  that  night. 
After  this  has  been  accomplished,  Clearque  succeeds  to  the  throne, 
proving  to  be  as  cruel  as  his  brother.  But  Philarque  now  arrives 
with  an  army  to  demand  his  father's  kingdom.  Clearque  surren- 
ders and  begs  for  mercy.  Philarque  pardons  him  and  marries 
Aretaphile. 

In  this  plot,  Du  Eyer  has  departed  from  his  model  in  the  interest 
of  romanesque  elements  and  a  happier  denouement.  In  Plutarch, 
Philarque,  called  Phaedimus,  is  married  to  Aretaphile  before  the 
usurpation  of  Nicocrate  and  is  slain  by  the  latter.  The  army 
which  he  leads  against  the  tyrant  is  led,  in  Plutarch,  by  Anabus,  a 
neighboring  prince.  Belise  is,  in  the  original  version,  the  daughter, 
and  not  the  sister  of  Aretaphile.  The  latter,  after  the  overthrow 
of  the  tyrants,  retires  to  private  life,  in  Plutarch,  instead  of 
remarrying,  as  she  does  in  Du  Ryer.  The  play  lacks  unity  of 
action,  for  the  acts  succeed  one  another  without  close  connection, 
while  the  incident  of  the  poisoning  does  not  advance  the  action. 

in,  1. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  123 

The  time  is  some  months,  possibly  years.  The  scene  is  laid  in 
several  localities  of  a  city  aDd  on  a  battle-field. 

Les  Amours  du  Seigneur  Alexandre  et  a" Annette  (1619)  may  be 
compared  with  L' Innocence  Descouverte "  in  the  vulgarity  of  the 
language  and  the  prominent  comic  role  of  the  valet.  Alexandre? 
a  young  aristocrat,  loves  and  is  loved  by  Annette,  who  introduces 
him  into  her  room  at  night.  His  servant,  Lambert,  left  at  the 
door,  hears  the  wife  of  a  shoemaker  complaining  of  the  blows  she 
has  received  from  her  husband  and  comforts  her  by  leading  her 
away  to  his  room.  Meanwhile  Annette's  father  breaks  into  his 
daughter's  room  to  take  vengeance  on  the  lover,  who  escapes  in 
spite  of  him.  Furious  at  missing  Alexandre,  the  father  bids  a 
valet  kill  Annette,  but  instead  of  executing  this  barbarous  order, 
the  valet  provides  her  with  men's  clothes,  disguised  in  which 
she  escapes  to  her  uncle's  house,  which  she  enters  as  a  servant. 
Her  father,  however,  dies  of  disappointment,  so  that  she  is  enabled 
to  reveal  her  identity  to  her  uncle  and  to  marry  Alexandre.  The 
unities  are  violated  in  this  play  by  the  digression  concerning  the 
valet  and  the  shoemaker's  wife,  by  the  number  of  days  that  elapse 
during  the  progress  of  the  play,  and  by  the  various  parts  of  the 
town  in  which  it  takes  place.     The  source  of  the  play  is  unknown. 

The  author  of  Les  Amours  de  Philandre  et  Marisee  (1619)  seems 
to  have  called  it  both  tragedy  and  tragi-comedy,  for  the  latter  term 
is  used  in  the  title,  the  privilege,  and  at  the  tops  of  the  pages, 
while  the  author  writes  in  his  dedication  to  Honore  d'Urfe  con- 
cerning "  ce  ieu  tragique  "  and  refers  to  the  play  in  his  au  lecteur 
as  "  ceste  Tragedie."  The  subject  is,  indeed,  eminently  tragic,  but 
the  representation  of  the  reunion  in  Heaven  of  the  separated 
family  gives  the  play  a  happy  denouement,  so  that  it  is  possible  to 
look  upon  it  as  a  tragi-comedy. 

Philandre,  lamenting  his  ill  success  in  love,  is  sent  by  Destin  to 
Avignon,  where  a  bride  is  promised  him.  The  chorus  deplores 
Destin' s  power.  Philandre  wins  the  affection  of  Marisee,  but  is 
obliged  to  leave  her  to  succeed  to  an  inheritance  at  Nimes.  Mari- 
see's  uncle  is  seeking  in   the    th'ird    act   to    arrange  a  marriage 

1  See  above,  page  103  seq. 


124  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

between  her  and  Prince  Rectival,  when  the  news  comes  that  the 
girl  has  eloped  with  Philandre,  whereupon  the  uncle  exclaims : 

' '  O  Priamide  cceur !  6  traistre  !  6  inhumain  ! 
As-tu  soubs  mots  pipeurs  enleue"  de  ta  main 
L'Helenine  beauts  de  ma  niepce  tant  chere?"  1 

Pursuit  is  vain.  The  uncle  hears,  after  ten  years,  that  the 
lovers  have  married,  fled  to  Scotland,  and  are  now  the  parents  of 
four  children.  Philandre  complains  to  his  wife  of  their  poverty, 
which  he  resolves  to  remedy  by  returning  to  Provence  for  their 
fortune.  He  takes  with  him  his  oldest  son,  Fleury,  leaving  the 
rest  of  the  family  behind. 

In  the  fifth  act  Marisee  learns  from  her  uncle  that  Philandre 
has  abandoned  her  for  another  woman.  She  decides  to  kill  her- 
self and  her  children,  whom  she  convinces  that  death  is  prefer- 
able to  life.  Meanwhile  Philandre  has  determined  to  rid  himself 
of  his  oldest  son,  but,  when  on  the  point  of  killing  him,  is  pre- 
vented by  hunters,  who  come  upon  him  in  the  forest.  He  escapes, 
but  is  condemned  in  his  absence  to  be  hanged  and  burnt,  while 
Fleury  is  told  to  go  on  a  pilgrimage  to  thank  Marie  d  Lorette  for 
his  preservation.  Twenty  years  later  he  starts  on  this  journey  and 
meets  his  father,  turned  hermit.  He  forgives  him  and  they 
embrace.  Not  long  after,  Philandre  falls  sick  and  is  visited  by 
the  spirits  of  his  wife  and  dead  children,  who  announce  his 
approaching  death  and  assure  him  that  he  has  been  saved  by  their 
prayers.  They  are  thus  happily  reunited  after  a  curious  speech  of 
Philandre  upon  his  death-bed,  a  speech  so  constructed  as  to  form 
with  the  initial  letters  an  anagram  on  the  name  of  the  author  of 
the  play. 

This  artificial  ending  is  in  keeping  with  the  exaggerated  style  in 
which  other  parts  of  the  work  are  written.  The  unities  are 
violated  in  many  ways.  Three  plots  can  be  seen  in  the  marriage 
of  Philandre  and  Marisee,  his  desertion  of  her,  and  their  reconcil- 
iation. The  action  lasts  over  thirty  years  and  takes  place  in 
Scotland  and  several  localities  in  southern  France. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  125 

The  second  play  by  Du  Ryer  is  Clitophon  (1622),  known  to 
have  been  acted  from  its  occurrence  in  V  Ouverture  des  jours  gras  ' 
(1634),  which  mentions  it  among  pieces  to  be  seen  at  the  Hotel  de 
Bourgogne,  and  from  the  elaborate  account  of  its  raise  en  scdne 
given  by  Mahelot,2  which  includes  a  handsomely  decorated  temple 
to  Diana,  two  prisons,  a  garden,  a  mountain  with  a  tomb  on  it,  a 
cave,  a  sea,  half  a  ship,  blood,  sponges,  a  skin,  flowers,  turbans 
for  Turks,  a  dark  lantern,  trumpets,  chains,  etc.  The  source  of 
the  play,  Cleitophon  and  Leucippe,3  the  Greek  romance  of  Achilleus 
Tatius,  has  been  followed  with  only  a  few  changes.  The  play 
begins  at  Tyre,  where  Lucippe  is  dwelling  with  her  mother  and 
has  fallen  in  love  with  Clitophon.  The  latter's  father  is  opposed 
to  his  marriage  to  Lucippe,  as  he  wishes  him  to  wed  Calligonne, 
but  a  former  lover  of  Lucippe  now  comes  from  Byzantium  and 
carries  off  Calligonne,  mistaking  her  for  Lucippe.  Alarmed  by 
the  news  of  this  catastrophe,  Lucippe's  mother  determines  to  leave 
the  city  with  her  daughter,  whereupon  Clitophon  persuades  the 
latter  to  elope  with  him  to  Alexandria,  after  some  hesitation  on 
her  part : 

"  Lucippe  :  L' amour  doit  aprouver  une  telle  entreprise 

Mais  l'honneur  me  deffend  ce  qu' amour  autorise. 
Clitophon  :  Si  tu  veux  toutesfois  notre  commun  bonheur 

Tu  dois  te  rendre  sourde  aux  conseils  de  l'honneur."  4 

Shipwrecked  on  the  coast  of  Egypt,  the  lovers  are  captured  by  the 
soldiers  of  a  tyrant,  Busire,  who  orders  them  to  be  sacrificed  to  the 
gods.  Clitophon,  separated  from  Lucippe,  succeeds  in  escaping 
to  Charmide,  King  of  Alexandria,  now  at  war  with  Busire,  but 
only  to  see  Lucippe  sacrificed  on  a  mountain  out  of  reach  of 
his  aid.  His  lamentations  over  this  disaster  are  interrupted  by 
Satyre,  Lucippe's  servant,  who  leads  him  to  the  mountain,  opens 
the  tomb,  and  shows  his  mistress  alive  and  unhurt.  They  explain 
that  the  sacrificer  was  Menelas,  father  of  Satire,  and  that  he  had 
saved  Lucippe  by  fixing  a  skin,  full  of  blood,  on  her  breast,  which 

1  See  E.  Fournier,  Varietes  historiques,  n,  345-55. 

2  Memoire,  fol.  47  vo.  and  48. 

3  See  Erotici  Scriptores,  27  seq.,  edited  by  G.  A.  Hirseling,  Paris,  1856. 
*i,  9. 


126  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

he  opened  with  his  knife  in  the  sight  of  the  soldiers,  making  them 
believe  that  the  flowing  blood  was  Lucippe's.  The  deception  was 
not  difficult,  as  no  one  came  nearer  than  the  foot  of  the  mountain 
during  the  supposed  sacrifice.  After  this  event  Lucippe  had  been 
placed  in  the  tomb,  whence  she  is  now  taken. 

The  lovers  take  refuge  with  Charmide,  declaring  that  they  are 
brother  and  sister.  He  receives  them  only  too  well,  desiring  to 
add  Lucippe  "  au  nombre  de  mes  femmes."  She  escapes  this  fate 
by  an  opportune  duel  between  Charmide  and  Busire,  in  which  both 
are  killed,  but  she  is  shortly  afterwards  carried  oif  by  pirates  and  is 
believed  dead  by  Clitophon  and  Satyre.  They  pursue  the  pirates 
as  far  as  Ephesus,  where  they  meet  a  wealthy  widow,  called 
Melite,  who  at  once  falls  in  love  with  Clitophon.  At  her  house 
they  find  Lucippe,  so  changed  in  appearance  that  her  lover  fails  to 
recognize  her.  Brought  there  by  the  pirates,  who  perished  in  a 
dispute  over  her,  she  has  succeeded  in  escaping  to  the  woods,  and  is 
living  as  a  shepherdess  on  one  of  Melite's  farms. 

The  lovers  are  about  to  be  reunited  when  Tersandre,  Melite's 
husband,  appears,  having  escaped  from  a  shipwreck  in  which  he 
has  been  supposed  dead.  Hearing  of  his  wife's  passion  for  Clito- 
phon, he  has  him  imprisoned  and  seeks  to  win  Lucippe  for  himself. 
Clitophon,  informed  of  her  assassination,  wishes  so  strongly  to 
die  that  he  accuses  himself  of  her  murder,  but,  before  he  is 
executed,  Lucippe  reappears  after  her  third  supposed  death  to  tell 
of  her  taking  refuge  in  a  temple,  in  order  to  escape  the  importu- 
nities of  Tersandre.  Then  she  is  finally  united  to  Clitophon, 
while  Tersandre  is  pardoned  on  his  wife's  interposition. 

Besides  shortening  many  of  the  philosophical  discussions  and 
explanations  of  his  prose  source,  Du  Kyer  has  made  certain 
changes  to  suit  the  views  of  his  audience  and  to  heighten  the 
romamsque  qualities  of  the  piece.  Thus,  Calligonne  is  made  the 
cousin  instead  of  the  half-sister  of  Clitophon ;  Lucippe  is  sacri- 
ficed, and  not  ripped  open  ;  Clitophon  meets  Melite  in  Ephesus 
instead  of  Alexandria  and  does  not  marry  her ;  the  oracular  test 
of  Lucippe's  virtue  is  omitted.  As  it  stands,  however,  the  play 
has  as  little  unity  as  the  romance.  Five  distinct  actions  are 
evident,  which  end  in  the  heroine's  escape  from  her  mother  at 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  127 

Tyre,  from  the  sacrificial  block,  the  King  of  Alexandria,  the 
pirates,  and  Tersandre.  The  scene  is  laid  in  Tyre,  Egypt  and 
Ephesus.     The  time  must  cover  a  year  or  more. 

A  striking  contrast  to  this  play  is  furnished  by  Troterel's 
Pasithee  (1624),  a  tragi-comedy  of  few  incidents  and  only  eight 
personages,  of  whom  four  are  allegorical.  Cleostene,  returning  from 
a  journey  to  wed  Pasithee,  is  informed  by  his  friend,  Ceraminte,  that 
his  suit  is  supported  by  her  confidante,  Philoxene,  but  that  she 
appears  favorably  inclined  to  another  suitor.  On  his  arrival,  how- 
ever, Pasithee  receives  him  well  and  the  marriage  is  arranged.  But 
Fortune,  learning  that  Cleostene  has  defied  her,  proves  her  power 
by  pursuading  Pasithee  to  renounce  the  world  and  enter  a  convent. 
Cleostene,  in  great  distress,  arranges  an  interview  with  Pasithee, 
but  is  unable  to  alter  her  purpose. 

' '  Pasithee  :  Ie  vous  serviray  plus  estant  dans  ce  lieu  saint, 

Que  si  ie  demeurois  dedans  le  monde  feint. 
Cleostene  :  Si  chacun  s'enfermoit  dedans  un  monastere, 

Le  monde  deviendroit  un  desert  solitaire  : 
I'estime  grandement  le  vceu  de  chastete", 
Mais  le  saint  mariage  a  plus  d'utilite."  ' 

But  Destin,  taking  pity  on  Cleostene,  sends  Cupidon  to  shoot 
Pasithee  with  his  darts,  which  he  does  during  Cleostene' s  second 
visit  to  the  convent,  thus  inducing  Pasithee  to  agree  to  marry  her 
lover.  When  Fortune  opposes  this  union,  she  is  captured  by 
Mercure  and  Cupidon,  brought  before  Destin,  and  condemned  to 
be  imprisoned  till  after  the  wedding  of  the  lovers,  which  soon 
takes  place. 

The  absence  of  intrigue  indicates  that  the  play  has  no  source, 
but  is  due  to  the  author's  invention.  Despite  its  lack  of  incident, 
the  piece  violates  the  unity  of  action,  for  the  incident  of  Pasithee' s 
second  lover,  mentioned  in  the  first  act,  has  nothing  to  do  with  the 
plot,  and  the  solution  of  the  drama  is  made  by  the  introduction  of 
a  deus  ex  machind.  The  time  extends  over  a  number  of  days. 
The  scene  is  laid  at  the  home  of  Pasithee,  in  the  parlor  of  the 
convent,  at  a  place  some  distance  from  these  localities  in  which  the 
action  begins,  and  in  the  places  inhabited  by  Destin  and  Fortune. 

Imf2. 


128  The  French  Tragi-  Comedy  : 

The  plot  of  Chriseide  et  Arimand  (1625),  the  first  play  of  Jean 
Mairet,  is  taken  from  the  third  book  of  Honore  d'Urfe's  Astree 
(1610).  According  to  Bizos,1  the  play  has  undergone  the  influence 
of  Theophile's  Pyrame  et  Thisbe  (1617).  Mairet  himself  called 
it  a  pecM  de  sajeunesse  and  was  not  responsible  for  its  publication. 
That  it  was  acted  is  shown  by  its  appearance  in  Mahelot's 
Memoire?  As  Bizos  has  given  a  full  analysis  of  the  play,  I  shall 
be  brief  in  discussing  it.  At  the  beginning  the  lovers  are  in 
prison  some  distance  apart,  Arimand  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  Chri- 
seide because  she  refuses  to  forsake  Arimand  and  love  King 
Gondebaut.  Their  servant,  Bellaris,  succeeds  in  helping  Chriseide 
to  escape  at  night  from  a  window  by  means  of  a  rope  and  in 
conducting  her  to  an  inn,  where  he  leaves  her  to  return  to 
Arimand,  changes  clothes  with  him,  and  takes  his  place  in  prison. 
Arimand  finds  Chriseide  and  is  soon  rejoined  by  the  faithful 
Bellaris,  who  has  succeeded  in  escaping  from  prison.  They  set  out 
for  Vienne,  but  chance  upon  King  Gondebaut,  who  recaptures 
Chriseide.  She  refuses  to  marry  the  king,  and,  when  he  endeavors 
to  force  the  marriage,  seizes  a  knife  and  swears  on  the  Tombeau 
des  Amans  her  fidelity  to  Arimand : 

"  Ie  ne  puis  receuoir  un  autre  feu  dans  l'ame, 
Ferme  iusqu'a  la  mort  dans  ce  premier  dessein, 
Et  preste  a  me  porter  ce  coutau  dans  le  sein, 
Si  l'on  me  veut  tirer  du  Tombeau  que  i'embrasse."  3 

Arimand  now  arrives,  surrendering  himself  and  demanding, 

"  De  me  donner  le  don  promis  au  delateur 
Du  chef  de  1' attentat  dont  ie  suis  seul  Pauteur."  i 

The  reward  demanded  is  the  liberty  of  Chriseide,  to  which  the 
king  is  forced  to  consent,  assuring  Arimand  that  he  shall  be  put 
to  death  at  once.  Chriseide  promises  to  die  with  him,  but  Bellaris 
takes  the  guilt  of  Chriseide's  escape  upon  himself  and  demands 
Arimand's  liberty  as  his  reward  for  giving  himself  up.  The  king 
is  again  forced  by  his  oath  to  agree,  but  is  resolved  to  revenge 


1  For  referenee  see  Appendix  B,  n. 

2  54  yo.  and  55.  3  v,  3.  4  54  vo.  and  55. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  129 

himself  on  Bellaris.  But  the  priest  pleads  for  him  and  so  moves 
the  king  by  pointing  out  these  examples  of  self-sacrifice  that  his 
heart  is  softened,  he  pardons  them  all,  and  unites  the  lovers  in 
marriage. 

While  this  play  is,  like  other  tragi-comedies  of  the  period,  full 
of  incidents  that  are  introduced  for  their  own  sake  rather  than  to 
advance  the  action,  there  is,  nevertheless,  an  unusually  logical 
arrangement  of  material,  so  that  the  scenes  grow  out  of  each  other 
and  nearly  produce  unity  of  action.  The  denouement  Ls  reached 
by  the  pity  excited  in  the  king's  breast  by  the  self-sacrifice  dis- 
played by  the  lovers  and  Bellaris,  which  was  made  possible  by  the 
king's  offer  of  a  reward  to  the  man  who  would  bring  hrim  wiio- 
ever  accomplished  Chriseide's  escape.  This  circumstance  gives 
the  escape  of  the  lovers  an  integral  part  in  the  development  of  the 
play.  It  does  not  have  the  episodic  nature  of  incidents  that 
occurred,  for  example,  in  Clitophon.  This  tendency  fro  unity  is  to 
be  looked  for  in  Mairet,  who  by  his  Silvanire  and  Sophonisbe,  did 
as  much  as  anyone  else  to  establish  the  unities  in  France.  The 
unities  of  time  and  place,  however,  are  here  violated,  for  the  scene 
is  laid  in  several  distinct  localities  of  France,  in  two  prisons,  a 
palace,  and  a  forest,  while  the  time  must  have  covered  a  number 
of  days. 

In  1625  Pichou  obtained  the  privilege  to  print  his  Folies  de 
Cardenio,  a  tragi-comedy  drawn  from  Don  Quixote.1  Dorothee, 
finding  that  Fernant  has  transferred  his  affections  from  her  to 
Luscinde,  retires  to  the  forest  to  lament,  while  Fernant  persuades 
Luscinde's  father  to  grant  her  to  him,  although  she  loves  Cardenio 
and  is  loved  by  him.  Her  father  forces  Luscinde  to  come  before  a 
Sacrificateur 2  to  be  married  to  Fernant,  who  promises  to  marry 
her,  after  which  the  following  scene  occurs  : 

"Sacrificateur  :         Puisque  vous  connaissez  sa  fidele  amitie, 
Ne  desirez-vous  pas  le  nom  de  sa  moitie  ? 

(Cardenio  paraist  derriere  la  tapisserie) 


1  Part  i,  chaps,  xxiv  and  xxvn-xxx. 

2  Fournier,  Thedtre,  263,  notes  that  the  laws  against  the  representation  of  priests 
on  the  stage  forced  Pichou  to  use  this  term,  although  the  scene  of  the  play  is  laid 
in  modern  Spain  and  a  monastery  is  alluded  to  in  the  same  scene. 


130  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

Luscinde :  Ouy. 

Cardenio  :  Ha !  desloyaute  qui  trahis  rues  services 

Qu'un  seul  mot  me  condamne  a,  d' estranges  supplices 
(II  sort  du  theatre)."  ' 

Luscinde  faints  and  is  found  to  have  a  knife  concealed  in  her  bosom 
with  a  paper  stating  that  she  intends  to  kill  herself  rather  than  be 
unfaithful  to  Cardenio.  When  revived,  she  refuses  to  wed  Fernant 
and  soon  after  escapes  to  a  monastery  to  mourn  the  loss  of  her 
lover.  Cardenio,  believing  that  she  has  ceased  to  love  him,  retires 
to  the  desert  and  goes  mad  from  grief. 

In  this  state  he  is  met  by  Don  Quixote  and  Sancho,  who  try  to 
protect  him  from  his  imaginary  enemies.  But  Cardenio  pays  little 
attention  to  Don  Quixote,  beats  his  follower,  as  the  "  rival  inju- 
rieux  a  l'honneur  de  mon  sort,"  and  disappears  in  the  forest.  He 
next  encounters  the  curate  and  the  barber  seeking  Don  Quixote 
and  mistakes  the  second  of  these  for  Luscinde  : 

' '  Ne  m'  oste  pas  le  bien  de  te  parler  icy, 
Et  rend  d'  un  seul  regard  mon  martyre  adoucy. 
Permets  que  ie  te  baise. 
Le  Barbier  :  O  !  la  folle  cervelle, 

Monsieur  ie  suis  Barbier,  et  non  pas  Damoiselle."  2 

After  a  number  of  pleasantries,  Cardenio  leaves  them  and  soon 
returns  to  his  senses.  He  meets  Dorothee,  who  informs  him  of 
Luscinde's  fidelity.  Meanwhile  Fernant  with  two  companions 
captures  Luscinde,  whom  Don  Quixote  tries  in  vain  to  rescue, 
crying : 

"  O  Dieux  !  c'est  Sagripant  qui  ravit  Angelique, 
Quitte  infidelle  Roy,  ce  dessein  tyrarinique, 
Ie  suis  l'appuy  des  bons,  et  l'effroy  des  peruers, 
Dom  Quichot  de  la  manche,  honneur  de  l'univers."  3 

Shortly  afterwards,  Cardenio  meets  them  at  an  inn  and  is  reunited 
to  Luscinde.  Fernant  and  he  are  on  the  point  of  coming  to  blows, 
when  Dorothee  intervenes,  pursuading  Fernant  to  return  to  his 
former  love  for  her,  so  that  both  couples  are  content. 

This  double  intrigue  with  a  corresponding  denouement  destroys 
the  unity  of  action,  which  is  further  prevented  by  several  scenes 

^i,  4.  2iv,  2.  3iv,  7. 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  131 

concerned  with  Don  Quixote  that  form  amusing  digressions  from 
the  principal  plot.  The  scene  is  laid  in  the  forest,  :it  a  monastery, 
a  tavern,  the  home  of  Lnscinde  and  apparently  at  that  of  Dorothea. 
The  time  is  probably  a  month  or  more.  That  the  play  was  acted 
is  evident  from  its  appearance  in  the  Memoire '  of  Mahelot. 

In  1C08  Jean  de  Schelandre  had  written,  under  the  anagram 
Daniel  d'Ancheres,  Tyr  ct  Sidon  Tragedie  on  lex  Funestes  Amours 
de  Belcar  et  Meliane,  a  romanesque  tragedy  in  which  the  heroine  is 
executed  by  her  father's  orders.  Twenty  years  later  he  rewrote 
the  play  in  two  journe'es  with  a  happy  denouement,  a  subordinate 
plot,  and  comic  scenes,  calling  it  Tyr  et  Sidon,  tragi-comedie. 
Leonte,  Prince  of  Tyre,  and  Belcar,  Prince  of  Sidon,  are  captured 
by  their  enemies  in  a  war  between  these  cities.  Leonte,  allowed 
on  parole  the  freedom  of  Tyre,  succeeds  in  winning  the  love  of 
Philoline,  the  young  wife  of  Zorote,  a  jealous  bourgeois.  By  the 
aid  of  his  page,  disguised  as  a  girl,  he  seduces  Philoline,  but 
Zorote,  learning  his  wife's  dishonor,  hires  ruffians,  who  kill  the 
prince.  The  wounded  Belcar,  whose  virtuous  conduct  is  con- 
trasted with  Leonte's  libertinage,  is  restored  to  health  at  Tyre  by 
the  daughters  of  the  king,  who  fall  in  love  with  him.  Since  he 
prefers  Meliane,  her  older  sister,  Cassandre,  plans  with  her  nourrice, 
Almodice,  to  make  him  transfer  his  affections  to  herself. 

Now,  when  the  king  of  Tyre  hears  of  his  son's  death  at  Sidon, 
he  determines  to  revenge  him  by  executing  Belcar  ;  but  that  prince 
is  released  from  prison  by  the  influence  of  Meliane,  in  order  that 
she  may  fly  with  him  by  boat  to  Sidon.  Almodice,  however, 
introduces  into  the  boat  with  him  Cassandre  instead  of  Meliane. 
When  Belcar  discovers  this  treachery,  he  will  have  none  of  Cassan- 
dre, who  in  despair  stabs  herself  and  leaps  into  the  sea.  Her  body 
is  carried  ashore,  where  it  is  found  by  Meliane,  come  to  the  beach 
to  drown  herself,  when  she  thinks  that  Belcar  has  deserted  her. 
Suspected  of  murdering  her  sister,  she  is  rescued  by  the  timely 
arrival  of  Almodice,  captured  by  the  Tyrian  admiral  and  forced  to 
tell  how  Cassandre  met  her  fate.  Meanwhile  it  has  been  proved 
that  Zorote  is  alone  guilty  of  Leonte's  murder,  so  that,  as  he  is 

1  Fols.  55  vo.  and  56, 


132  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

handed  over  to  the  King  of  Tyre,  the  latter  has  nothing  against 
Belcar.  Urged  by  his  advisers,  by  Belcar  and  Meliane,  he  con- 
sents to  the  marriage  of  these  lovers. 

M.  Rigal,1  following  M.  Fxlouard  Droz,  posits  Ronsard's 
Franciade  as  the  source  of  this  play,  showing  the  resemblance 
between  the  love  affair  of  Belcar  and  that  of  Francus,  loved  by 
two  princesses,  one  of  whom  is  aided  by  her  nourrice  and  kills 
herself  from  jealousy  of  the  other.  As  there  is  no  suggestion, 
however,  in  the  Franclade  of  Leonte's  adventures  and  as  the 
setting  and  many  of  the  incidents  are  different  from  those  of  Tyr  et 
Sidon,  it  seems  that  Schelandre  did  not  derive  from  the  Franciade 
more  than  a  general  suggestion  as  to  the  conduct  of  his  plot. 
Two  distinct  actions  are  seen  in  this  play,  the  unhappy  adventures 
of  Leonte  and  Philoline  and  the  happy  fortunes  of  Belcar  and 
Meliane.  Digressions  are  added  concerning  the  war  and  the 
household  of  Zorote.  The  scene  of  the  action  is  laid  in  various 
localities  in  Tyr  and  Sidon  and  in  the  territory  between  the  cities. 
The  time  is  some  months. 

Agimee  ou  V Amour  extrauagant,  Tragi-Comedie  (1628),  with 
its  shepherds  and  shepherdesses,  its  princes  and  princesses  dis- 
guised as  such,  its  kisses,  mild  duels,  and  double  denouement,  is  a 
tragi-comedie  pastorale,  despite  its  title,  and  is  consequently  not  to 
be  treated  here.  Rotrou's  Hypocondriaque,  published  in  1631 
and  probably  written  in  1 628,  does  not  come  within  the  scope  of 
this  chapter,  which  is  concerned  only  with  the  tragi-comedies 
written  by  predecessors  of  that  author. 

La  Tragedie  des  Amours  de  Zerbin  et  d'Isabelle,  Princesse  fugi- 
tive2 is  a  romanesque  play,  based  on  the  Orlando  Furioso,  the 
qualities  of  which  are  those  of  the  tragi-comedy,  although  it  is 
called  a  tragedy.     It  has  been  analyzed  at  length  by  LaValliere.3 

B.    Characterization. 

It  is  probable  that  nearly  all  the  romanesque  tragi-comedies 
treated   in   this   chapter   were   acted ;    as,    with   the   exception   of 

1  In  Petit  de  Julleville's  Langue  et  Litterature,  iv,  227. 
2Troyes,  1621,  anon.  3  Bibliotheque,  i,  536-38. 


Its  Origin  a/nd  Development.  133 

Genevre  and  Pasithee,  they  are  essentially  dramatic  in  compo- 
sition. Hardy's  plays  were  certainly  acted,  for  he  was  the 
professional  playwright  of  the  Hotel  de  Bourgogne.  His  Felis- 
mene,  Gornelie,  and  Belle  Egyptienne,  furthermore,  arc  mentioned  in 
the  Memoire  of  Mahelot,  who  seems  to  have  been  the  mecanieien 
of  that  theater.  The  presence  in  this  Memoire  of  Aretaphile, 
( 'litophon,  Chriseide  et  Arimand,  and  Folies  de  Cardenio,  shows 
that  they  also  were  acted.  Aymee  is  shown  by  its  preface  to  have 
been  acted  after  a  banquet,  probably  in  a  chateau.  All  these 
plays  were  published  at  Paris  or  Rouen,  except  Aymee,  Les 
Heureuses  Infortunes,  Alexandre  et  Annette,  and  Philandre  et 
Marisee,  which  appeared  at  Poitiers,  Troyes,  and  Lyons,  and 
Du  Ryer's  two  plays,  which  exist  only  in  manuscript. 

The  authors  of  these  tragi-comedies  are,  with  the  exception  of 
Hardy,  Du  Ryer,  and  Mairet,  almost  unknown.  Hardy,  who 
may  be  considered  in  some  respects  the  founder  of  the  modern 
French  stage,  is  remembered  as  the  badly  paid  playwright  of 
Valleran  Lecomte's  troupe,  during  its  provincial  travels  and 
when  it  was  established  at  the  Hotel  de  Bourgogne.  He  is  the 
first  professional  dramatic  author  who  turned  his  attention  to 
the  tragi-comedy,  and  the  first  author  to  give  this  genre  a  position 
of  popular  equality  with  the  tragedy  of  classical  imitation.  He 
was  followed  by  Pierre  Du  Ryer  and  Jean  Mairet,  of  whom  the 
former,  supposed  to  have  been  the  son  of  the  poet,  Isaac  Du 
Ryer,  obtained  the  positions  of  secretaire  du  roy  and  historiographe 
de  France,  was  twice  married,  was  admitted  to  the  Academy,  and 
died  in  1658.  His  cheerfully  endured  poverty  forced  him  to 
continuous  literary  labors,  which  produced  twenty-one  plays  and 
a  larw  number  of  classical  translations.1  Mairet,  born  at  Besanyon 
in  1004,  protected  at  Paris  by  the  due  de  Montmorency  and  the 
comte  de  Belin,  won  fame  by  his  Sylvie  (1626)  and  Sylvanire 
(1630),  and  was  largely  responsible  for  the  introduction  of  the 
unities  into  the  French  theater  by  his  use  of  them  in  Saphonisbe 
(1634).  His  correspondence  with  Corneille  on  the  question  of 
the  ('id  made  him  notorious.      He  died  in  1680.2 

1  For  a  list  of  these,  see  K.  Philipp,  Du  Eyers  Leben,  14. 

2  See  Bizos,  Etude,  and  Danuheisser,  Studien. 


134  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

A  few  details  have  survived  regarding  other  authors  of 
romanesque  tragi-comedies.  Andr6  Mage,  sieur  de  Fiefmelin, 
wrote  various  poems  beside  his  Aymee,  which  were  collected  in  a 
Polymnie.1  Jacques  Duhamel  was  an  advocate  of  Normandy.2 
Claude  Billard,  seigneur  de  Courgenay,  Bourbonnois,  brought  up 
in  the  household  of  the  duchesse  de  Retz,  was  conseitter  et  secretaire 
des  command  ements  de  la  reine  Marguerite  de  Valois.  Besides  eight 
plays,  he  wrote  an  epic,  UEglise  triomphante,  and  other  poems.3 
Jean  Auvray  (cir.  1590-1633),  an  advocate  in  the  parliament  of 
Rouen,  besides  plays,  wrote  Oeuvres  saintes  (1628)  and  a  collection 
of  poems  of  various  kinds,  called  the  Banquet  des  Muses  (1623 
and  1627).4  Pierre  Brinon  translated  Buchanan's  Baptiste  and 
Jephte.  Bernier  de  la  Brousse  of  Poitou  wrote  poems  and  three 
plays  in  addition  to  his  tragi-comedy.5  Gilbert  Giboin  declares 
himself  to  be  harpeur,  arithmetiden,  et  maistre  escrwain  at  Molins  in 
Bourbonnois.  Pierre  Troterel,  sieur  d'Aves,  ecuyer,  was  the 
author  of  ten  dramatic  works  in  various  gewes.6  Pichou  came  to 
Paris  from  Dijon,  was  protected  by  the  prince  de  Conde,  brought 
out  three  tragi-comedies  and  a  pastoral,  which  met  with  much 
success,  and  was  assassinated  in  1631,  when  about  thirty-five 
years  old.7  Jean  de  Schelandre  (cir.  1585-1635)  from  the 
neighborhood  of  Verdun,  fought  as  a  captain  under  Turenne  and 
wrote  La  Stuartide  (1611)  and  other  poems  besides  his  tragi- 
comedy.8 These  facts  show  that  the  authors  came  from  various 
parts  of  France  and  that  tragi-comedies,  though  still  composed  by 
men  of  affairs,  were  coming  to  be  more  extensively  written  by 
professional  playwrights  like  Hardy,  Mairet,  or  Pichou. 

The  sources  of  the  plays  treated  have  been  stated  with  their 
analyses,  as  far  as  they  are  known.  Euripides  furnishes  the 
principal  plot  of  Alceste  and  perhaps  the  subject  of  L' 'Innocence 
Descouverte,  but  it  is  upon  the  later  and  more  romantic  writers  of 

JSee  Appendix  B,  II.  2  La  Valliere,  I,  279. 

3Freres  Parfaict,  iv,  109  seq.  ;  La  Valliere,  i,  391. 

4  La  Valliere,  i,  424  ;  Brunet,  I,  575. 

5Freres  Parfaict,  iv,  171  ;  La  Valliere,  i,  477.  6La  Valliere,  i,  372. 

7Isnard,  preface  to  Pichou's  Filis  de  Scire,  Paris,  1632. 

8 Bibliotheque  elzemrienne.     Ancien  Thedtre,  vill,  6. 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  L35 

Greek  and  Latin  that  the  tragi-comedies  are  chiefly  based. 
Plutarch,  Lucian,  Ovid,  and  Petronius  are  followed  in  five  tragi- 
comedies, while  the  erotic  Alexandrian  writers,  fleliodorus, 
Aehilleus  Tatius,  and  the  author  of  the  Apollonius  legend  furnish 
the  theme  of  twelve  journees  of  five  acts  each,  which  are  printed 
as  four  plays.  Italian  sources  are  found  in  the  works  of  Boccaccio, 
Ariosto,  and  Giraldi  Cinthio ;  Portuguese  in  the  Diana  of  Monte- 
mayor;  Spanish  in  the  tales  of  Agreda  and  Cervantes,  from  the 
latter  of  whom  four  tragi-comedies  are  derived  ;  French  in  Honors' 
d'Urfi§'s  Astree,  Ronsard's  Franciade,  Rosset's  Amants  Volages,  and 
Goulart's  version  of  Honsdorf's  Thedtre  d'exemples. 

The  dramatic  unity  of  the  plays  varies  greatly.  In  Dorise, 
Alexandre  et  Annette,  Aretaphile,  Folies  de  Cardenio,  and  Tyr  et 
Sidon,  the  interest  is  divided  between  two  couples  instead  of  being 
concentrated  upon  one.  Similarly,  there  are  two  closely  connected 
plots  in  Procris  and  Elmire.  Numerous  digressions  occur  ;  as,  for 
example,  the  episodes  of  Clement  in  La  Belle  Egyptierme,  the 
giant  in  JJ  Ethiopique,  Don  Quixote  in  the  Folies  de  Cardenio. 
In  addition  to  plays  in  which  a  subordinate  is  woven  in  with  a 
principal  plot,  are  found  tragi-comedies  in  which  one  plot  succeeds 
another;  as,  for  instance,  in  Les  Fleureuses  Infortunes,  Gesippe,  or 
Phi  land  re  et  Marisee.  The  unity  of  action  may  be  further 
violated  by  the  introduction  of  a  deus  ex  maehina,  which  con- 
stitutes a  new  element  in  the  play,  not  produced  by  what 
has  preceded.  This  undramatic  device  has  been  avoided  by 
Hardy  in  all  his  tragi-comedies  except  Theagene  et  Cariclee, 
Ariadne,1  and  Dorise,  where  the  role  is  played  by  Thessalian 
ambassadors,  Bacchus,  and  a  viagicienne,  respectively.  The 
ambassadors  of  Hardy's  Theagene  et  Cariclee  do  not  reappear  in 
Genetay's  dramatization  of  the  same  theme,  but  there  is  a  deus  ex 
iitacliiiid  in  the  role  of  Remind  in  Genevre  and  of  Destin  in 
Pasithee.  Greater  unity  of  action  is  shown  in  La  Force  du  Sang 
and  Arsacome,  but  both  of  these  plays  depart  from  classical  usage 
by  dramatizing  the  story  ab  ovo.  The  most  serious  effort  towards 
unity  of  action  is  seen  in  Chriseide  et  Arimand. 

1  The  role  of  Hercule  in  Alceste  forms  too  integral  a  part  of  the  play  to  be  con- 
sidered that  of  a  deus  ex  mackind. 


136  The  French  Tragi- Comedy: 

The  scene  of  these  tragi-comedies  may  be  laid  in  a  single  town 
or  in  pla-oes  that  are  long  distances  apart.  It  may  include  Sparta, 
Thessaly,  and  the  infernal  regions,  as  does  Alceste,  or  Syria,  Libya, 
and  Asia  Minor,  as  does  Les  Heureuses  Infortunes  ;  a  single  coun- 
try may  contain  it,  as  in  Fregonde  or  Pasithee ;  or  a  single  town, 
as  in  UEthiopique ;  but  the  scenic  dimensions  are  never  those  of 
the  classical  stage.  Similarly,  the  time  varies  from  thirty  years  in 
Philandre  et  Marisee  to  a  few  days  in  Ariadne  and  L'  Innocence 
Descouverte. 

In  this  disregard  for  the  classical  unities  there  is  no  appreciable 
difference  between  the  usage  of  Hardy  and  that  of  his  contem- 
poraries. The  greatest  freedom  is  evident  in  the  tragi-comedies. 
Even  the  approach  to  unity  that  is  at  times  visible  is  due  rather  to 
the  nature  of  the  source  than  to  the  dramatic  theories  of  the  author. 
To  compensate  this  lack  of  classical  unity,  there  is  ordinarily  a 
unity  of  interest  in  the  fortunes  of  the  protagonists,  though  this  is 
at  times  obscured  by  digressions  or  subsidiary  plots. 

The  love  of  a  man  and  a  womau  is  the  emotion  upon  which  the 
action  is  based  in  these  tragi-comedies.  Even  Gesippe,  whose 
friendship  conquers  his  love,  is  moved  to  his  sacrifice  by  Tite's 
love  of  the  woman.  The  passion  is  varied,  including  the  "  chastes 
amours  "  of  Theagene  and  Cariclee  or  of  Clitophon  and  Lucippe, 
the  marital  affection  of  Admete  for  Alceste,  the  legitimatized 
bigamy  of  the  comte  de  Gleichen,  the  unsatisfied  love  of  the  marcmis 
for  the  married  Fregonde,  the  passion  that  leads  to  the  seduction 
of  Cornelie,  to  the  adultery  in  Procris  and  the  first  journee  of 
Tyr  et  Sidon,  and  to  the  incest,  desired  in  IJ  Innocence  Descouverte 
and  accomplished  in  Les  Heureuses  Infortunes. 

Friendship  is  as  important  as  love  in  Gedppe,  Arsacome,  and 
Alceste.  It  is  to  be  noted,  also,  in  Fregonde,  Chriseide  et  Arimand, 
and  Cornelie.  A  religious  motif  is  obvious  in  Philandre  et  Marisee. 
Instead  of  attempting  innovations  in  the  accepted  philosophy  and 
social  conventions,  the  authors  change  past  conditions  to  fit  the 
state  of  French  society,  as  when  Clitophon's  fiancee  is  changed 
from  his  half-sister  to  his  cousin.  The  bigamy  allowed  in  Elmire 
does  not  evidence  a  revolt  from  European  custom,  for  it  is 
permitted  by  the  Pope. 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  137 

Another  symptom  of  social  conservatism  is  found  in  the  aristo- 
cratic expressions  that  are  in  keeping  with  the  high  rank  of  the 
leading  personages.  The  reader  learns  that  "  un  Prince  bien-ne 
a  tousiours  le  dessus  encontre  un  terre-ne." l  In  Genevre  the 
father  of  the  heroine  refuses  to  believe  that  she  has  been  seduced, 
for  "  elle  est  trop  bien  nee." 2  Noblesse  oblige  inspires  Lucine, 
when  she  says  : 

"  Les  filles  des  grands  Roys,  patrons  d'  honneur  tres  amples, 
Anx  lilies  de  bas  lieu  doivent  servir  d'  exemples. "  3 

Further  aristocratic  and  monarchical  sentiments  are  seen  in  : 

"  Les  Rois  ne  nieurent  point,  puisque  ce  sont  des  Dieux 
Que  le  vouloir  du  Ciel  £tablit  en  ces  lieux."  * 

"  En  un  esprit  bien  ne"  la  charite-  doit  luire."  5 

"  Par  la  race  des  rois  les  peuples  sont  en  paix."  8 

A  further  conservatism  is  shown  in  patriotic  allusions  : 

"  Ces  Paladins,  que  la  Gaule  feconde 
Feit  jadis  renommer  aux  quatre  coins  du  monde."  T 

"  La  Gaule  se  presente  en  peuples  plus  feconde 
Que  P  Espagne  beaucoup  :  qui  semble  un  autre  monde, 
Peuples  ciuilisez,  conuersables,  courtois 
Qui  n'ont  rien  d' arrogant  comme  nos  Iberois."  8 

Chrkeide  et  Arimand  and  Philandre  et  Marisee  furnish  patriotic 
elements  by  the  location  of  their  scenes  in  France,  but,  as  a 
foreign  country  lends  romantic  interest  to  a  play,  one  more 
frequently  fiuds  the  scene  placed  in  such  countries  as  Scotland, 
Spain,  Italy,  Greece,  Egypt,  Syria,  or  Persia. 

Other  romanesque  elements  are  furnished  by  dreams,  ghosts, 
disguises,  recognitions,  duels,  shipwrecks,  captures  by  pirates, 
human  sacrifices.  Such  elemei  Is  are  at  times  introduced,  when 
unnecessary  to  the  development  >f  the  plot,  merely  to  appeal  to 
the  imagination  of  the  audience      Thus,  the  ghost  of  Fregonde's 

lEthiopique,  in.  2n,  2.  3Heureuses  Inforlunes,  Part  I,  IV,  1. 

*Aretaphik,  V,  1.  bTyr  et  Sidon,  J.  I,  II,  1  .  r'Ibidem,  J.  II,  IV,  6. 

7  Cornelie,  n,  1.  8  La  Fore*  du  Sang,  n,  3. 


138  The  French   Tragi- Comedy  : 

husband  bids  her  wed  her  lover,1  though  she  has  not  sought  her 
husband's  advice  during  his  life  in  regard  to  her  relations  with 
the  other  man.  When  Clitophon  arrives  in  Egypt,  it  is  after  a 
shipwreck,  though  he  was  bound  for  that  country  and  could  have 
arrived  there  without  such  a  catastrophe.  Two  brothers  are 
induced  to  fight  a  duel  in  Genevre,  though  the  denouement  is  not 
brought  about  by  this  event,  but  by  the  arrival  of  Renaud. 

The  happy  ending  is  characteristic  of  these  plays.  In  Procris 
the  happiness  consists  in  the  removal  of  obstacles  to  the  love  of 
Aurore  and  Cephale,  in  Philandre  et  Marisee  to  the  salvation 
of  the  protagonist,  in  IJ Innocence  Descouverte  to  the  vindication 
of  the  hero,  in  Alceste  to  the  restoration  of  a  wife  to  her  husband. 
In  the  other  plays  it  is  produced  by  the  removal  of  all  obstacles 
to  the  marriage  of  the  hero  and  heroine,  to  which  is  added  a 
family  reunion  in  Elmire  and  Les  Heureuses  Infortunes.  In 
Gesippe,  though  a  marriage  occurs  at  the  end,  the  chief  happiness 
lies  in  the  restoration  of  Gesippe  to  his  fortune  and  the  friend- 
ship of  Tite.  A  double  denouement  occurs  in  Dorise  and  the 
Folies  de  Cardenio.  In  Tyr  et  Sidon  the  subordinate  plot,  which 
concerns  the  love  of  Leonte  and  Philoline,  ends  tragically,  but 
the  principal  plot  results  in  the  marriage  of  Belcar  and  Meliane. 

In  most  of  these  plays  the  comic  element  is  of  slight  importance. 
Hardy  neglects  it  altogether  in  seven  tragi-comedies  and  gives  it 
a  subordinate  place  in  the  others.  In  his  Theagene  et  Car  idee  the 
heroine  jests  about  her  disguise.2  A  humorous  situation  is  found 
in  Alceste,3  where  Admete's  parents,  after  extravagant  protestations 
of  their  love  for  him,  decline  to  die  for  him  when  the  opportunity 
is  offered.  The  last  act  of  Ariadne  is  enlivened  by  Pan's  broad 
jokes.  Into  Cornelie4  a  courtisane  is  introduced  with  farcical 
effect.  A  witty  page  appears  in  Felismene.  In  La  Belle  Egyptienne 
a  humorous  situation  is  made  by  the  mock  condemnation  of  the 
hero5  and  in  the  reception  of  gratuities  by  the  gar  con  egyptien6 
and  the  vieille  egyptienne'': 

' '  Clement  :         Helas  !  quelles  douleurs  incroyables  i'  endure 
Vieille  :  Ouy,  mais  tu  ne  dis  mot  quant  au  principal  point, 

Que  plus  que  tes  douleurs  la  pauurete"  me  point." 


^Fregonde,  v,  1.       2J.  iv,  iv,  4.      3n.      *iv,  4.      5V,  5.      6n,  2.       7in,  2. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  139 

The  small  number  of  comic  passages  found  in  Hardy  shows 
that  such  elements,  spoken  chiefly  by  subordinate  personages, 
formed  no  integral  part  of  his  work.  His  example  was  followed 
by  the  majority  of  his  contemporaries.  L} JEthiopique,  Gmevre, 
Les  Heuremes  Infortunes,  and  Pasithee  show  no  humorous  passages. 
In  L'Ephesienne^  the  widow's  servant  exhibits  a  coarse  wit  in 
comparing  Frontin  to  a  skilled  anatomist.  A  witticism  is  intended 
when,  after  Aretaphile  has  cried  to  her  lover  : 


he  replies 


"  J'entends  quelques  soldats  qui  font  la  ronde  ici. 
Mon  ame  sauvez  vous," 


Et  si  ie  suis  votre  ame 

Puis-je  sans  vous  tuer,  sortir  d'ici  raadame."  2 


Melite,  the  supposed  widow,  is  humorously  discussed  in  Clitophon." 
Soldiers,  joking  over  their  drinks,  are  introduced  into  Philandre 
et  Marisee.4  The  host  of  the  tavern  in  Ch/riseide  et  Arimand5 
adds  some  humor  to  the  play.  The  second  jo ur nee  of  Tyr  et  Sidon, 
which  represents  the  form  of  the  play  that  appeared  in  1608,  is 
entirely  serious  except  for  a  soldier's  jest  at  the  close. 

These  plays  follow  Hardy's  usage,  but  in  six  others  the  humor 
occupies  a  larger,  though  always  a  subordinate  place.  Aymee 
introduces  a  humorous  valet,  a  role  already  seen  in  Le  Jars's 
Lucefle 6  and  repeated  in  Duhamel's  play  on  the  same  subject. 
Innocence  Descouverle  is  also  full  of  a  valet's  jokes,  which  arc 
usually  coarse  and  often  obscene.  A  similar  vein  of  humorous 
vulgarity  is  seen  in  Alexandre  et  Annette.  In  Folies  de  Cardenio 
much  fun  is  made  out  of  the  encounter  between  Cardenio,  the 
curate,  and  the  barber,  and  the  sayings  of  Don  Quixote  and 
Sancho.  The  first  journee  of  Tyr  et  Sidon  contains  amusing 
scenes  between  the  jealous  Zorote,  an  early  Sganarelle,  and  his 
sister,  a  supposed  prude ;  also  between  his  wife's  lover  and 
attendants. 

1  iv.  2m,  3.  3iv,  5.  *n. 

5  in,  1  and  iv,  3.  6See  above,  p.  62. 


140  The  French  Tragi-  Comedy : 

The  coarse  humor  of  such  passages  is  in  keeping  with  the 
freedom  of  speech  used  by  lovers  to  express  their  desires  and 
the  scabrous  scenes  that  occur  iu  some  of  the  plays.1  Some 
of  the  later  tragi -comedies  show  such  elements  in  a  much  smaller 
degree  than  those  written  towards  the  beginning  of  the  century. 
Pasithee  and  Chriseide  et  Arimand  are  free  from  vulgarity. 

The  events  in  the  tragi-comedies  are  commonly  the  result  of 
entirely  exterior  circumstances,  or  of  the  action  of  an  individual, 
moved  by  love,  parental  affection,  friendship,  hatred,  or  other 
passion.  A  conflict  of  passions  in  the  mind  of  a  single  personage 
is  rare,  but  occurs  in  the  following  cases :  Procris  wavers  between 
fidelity  to  her  husband  and  the  solicitations  of  a  supposed 
stranger ; 2  Felismene  soliloquizes  as  to  whether  or  not,  in  her 
disguise  as  page,  she  should  aid  the  love  of  Felix  for  Celie ; 3 
after  a  struggle  Tite  yields  to  Gesippe's  offer  of  his  place  in 
Sophronie's  bed ; 4  Lucippe  hesitates  to  elope  with  Clitophon.5 
In  the  last  two  cases,  the  passion  conquers  the  sense  of  honor, 
a  moral  laxity  that  is  still  more  apparent  in  the  conduct  of 
Arimand  in  allowing  his  faithful  servitor  to  take  his  place  in 
prison,  believing  that  it  will  probably  mean  the  man's  death  : 

"  Arimand  :        Dieux  !  que  mon  ame  icy  souffre  de  violence, 
L' amour  et  le  deuoir  me  tiennent  en  balance, 
Si  ie  m'en  vay  sans  luy  c'est  une  lachete, 
Si  ie  demeure  aussi,  c'est  une  cruaute\ 
Amour,  pitie,  deuoir,  Bellaris,  ma  Maistresse 
Voyez  un  peu  comment  vostre  respect  me  presse."  ° 

Had  such  situations  been  artistically  elaborated  and  given  more 
prominent  positions  in  the  tragi-comedies,  Corneille's  psychology 
might  have  been  anticipated.  As  it  is,  the  personages  in  these 
plays  are  commonly  swayed  by  simple  emotions,  the  treatment  of 
which  makes  no  great  demand  on  the  author's  dramatic  ability. 

The  hero  is  usually  a  brave  and  handsome  youth,  endowed 
with    most  desirable  manly  attributes ;   as,  Theagene,  Apollonie, 

1Cf.,  for  example,  Procris,  in,  2;  Ariadne,  in  ;  Felismene,  TV,  2  ;  Dorise,  in,  2  ; 
Gesippe,  in,  1  ;  Heureuses  Infortunes,  i,  I,  1  ;  Innocence  Descouverte,  i ;  Tyr  et  Sidon, 
J.  I,  IV,  9.  2  Procris,  n,  2.  3 Felismene,  ill. 

*Gesippe,  n,  2.  °Clitophon,  i,  8.  eChriseide  et  Arimand,  ui,l  . 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  141 

Ariodan,  Clitophon,  or  Belcar.  The  moral  weakness  of  Arimand, 
just  noted,  is  visible  in  the  heedless  love  of  Alphonse  d'Este  and 
Phraarte,  which  becomes  brutality  with  the  hero  of  L<i  Force  du 
Sang,  and  inconstancy  with  Cephale  in  JProcris,  Thesee  in  Ariadne, 
and  Felix  in  Felismme.  The  Comte  de  Gleichen  in  Elmire  and 
Admete  in  Aheste  are  already  married  when  the  play  begins.  It 
is  to  be  noted  that  Hardy  has  made  the  character  of  Admete  more 
sympathetic  than  it  is  in  Euripides  by  causing  Alceste's  sacrifice 
to  take  place  without  his  knowledge  or  consent. 

AVhile  the  hero's  wisdom  equals  his  other  virtues  in  the  case 
of  Apollonie  or  the  Comte  de  Gleichen,  it  frequently  needs  to  be 
supplemented  by  the  advice  or  assistance  of  a  friend.  Calasire 
and  Gnemon  play  this  role  in  Theagene  rf  Cariclie,  Hercule  in 
Aheste,  Loncate  and  Macente  in  Arsctcome,  Dom  Juan  and  Dom 
Anthoine  in  Cornelie,  Ceraminte  in  PasUhie,  Ariste  in  Aretaphile. 
The  aid  comes  from  a  go-between,  Phalare  in  Ariadne,  and 
Timadon  in  Tyr  et  Sidon;  a  page  in  Felismene;  a  faithful  servant 
in  Chriseide  et  Arimant  and  Clitophon. 

Among  the  heroines,  Alceste  shows  exalted  altruism,  Cariclee 
and  Tharsie  a  high  degree  of  chastity,  Chriseide  and  Luscinde 
of  fidelity,  Marisee  of  forgiveness.  Felismene  exhibits  much 
ingenuity  in  overcoming  obstacles  to  her  love.  Other  heroines  do 
not  work  out  their  problems,  but  are  carried  along  by  the  course 
of  events  ;  as,  in  the  case  of  Leocadie,  Elmire,  and  Lucippe. 
Procris  is  a  sympathetic  character,  made  by  an  unworthy  husband 
to  waver  in  her  fidelity  to  him  and  receiving  an  unmerited  fate. 
She  has  no  rebuke  for  her  husband  when  he  has  shot  her,  but 
submits  with  pitiful  weakness,  saying : 

"Mon  cceur  ie  te  voye  auant  que  trepasser, 
Que  i'aye  encor  vn  coup  eel  heur  de  t'embrasser. 

Cephale  :  M'embrasser  scelerat,  m'erubrasser  homicide, 

O  cruaute  du  sort !  6  Deite  perfide  ! 

Procris  :  Ma  ialousie  est  cause,  et  non  toy  du  malheur, 

Ne  rengrege  done  point  de  plaintes  ma  douleur."  ' 

Cornelie,  Philognie,  and  Dorothee  are  further  examples  of  heroines 
whose  fidelity  is  not  altered  by  their  lover's  neglect. 


142  The  French   Trag i-  Comedy : 

A  low  estimate  of  woman's  position  is  shown  in  Gesippe,  when 
the  protagonist  substitutes  his  friend  for  himself  as  Sophronie's 
betrothed  and  as  her  husband.  Gesippe  is  evidently  actuated  by 
a  lofty  spirit  of  self-sacrifice,  but  he  does  not  seem  to  realize  that 
Sophronie  should  be  consulted  in  the  matter.  Along  with  the 
heroine  are  found  women  unsuccessful  in  their  love,  as  Cassandre 
in  Tyr  et  Sidon  and  Celie  in  Felismene;  and  women  who  aid  the 
heroine  in  her  love,  as  the  nourrice  and  suivante  that  occur  in 
many  of  the  tragi-comedies,  playing  the  roles  of  mere  adviser  or 
of  efficient  go-between.  Especially  noticeable  in  the  last  capacity 
are  Almodice  and  Tharside  in  Tyr  et  Sidon. 

Other  prominent  personages  are  kings,  often  proud  and  pompous, 
with  no  keen  perception  of  what  the  future  has  in  store.  Pharna- 
baze  in  Tyr  et  Sidon,  Philippe  in  Phraarte,  Gondebaut  in  Chriseide 
et  Arimand  are  good  examples  of  this  type.  A  milder  sovereign 
is  the  virtuous  Abdolomin  of  Tyr  et  Sidon,  sincerely  distressed  by 
the  evils  brought  upon  his  country  in  time  of  war.  When  a  king 
is  captured,  he  does  not  forget  himself.  Cotys  yields  nothing  to 
Phraarte,  when  threatened  with  death.  Orondate  replies  proudly 
to  Hydaspe's  reproaches : 

"Un  peril  affranchy  defie  un  grand  courage 
D'en  affranchir  un  autre  et  oser  davantage. 
Hydaspe  :  Un  peril  affranchy  doit  tout  homme  prudent 

Garder  qu'il  ne  retombe  en  un  pire  accident. 


Tu  te  scavois  pour  nous  de  nombre  incompetant. 
Orondate  :  Ouy,  mais  ie  m'estimoy  de  courage  bastant."  l 

The  lovers  are  opposed  by  various  persons,  as  Arsace,  the 
passionate  wTife  of  Orondate  in  Theagene  et  Cariel^e,  or  a  calcu- 
lating villain,  as  Dorade  in  Les  Heureuses  Infortunes.  A  rival 
appears  in  Nicocrate  in  Aretaphile,  Phcedre  in  Ariadne,  Adimache 
in  Arsacome,  the  marquis  de  Bade  in  Elmire.  A  stern  parent 
interferes  to  send  away  the  hero  on  a  journey  or  refuse  the 
heroine  to  a  lover  who  is  not  considered  her  equal,  cases  that 
occur  in  Felismene,  Dorise,  Theagene  et  CaricUe,  and  Philandre  et 

1  Theagene  et  Cariclee,  J.  vn,  in,  1. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  143 

Marisee.  On  the  other  hand,  paternal  affection  is  displayed  in 
Force  du  Sang  and  Tyr  et  Sidon. 

Minor  personages  are  added  from  various  social  classes,  a 
courtesan  in  Theagene  et  CaricUe  and  Oornelie,  slaves  in  Tyr  et 
Sidon  and  Les  Heureuses  Infortu/nes,  a  barber  in  Folies  de  Cardenio, 
a  jailer  in  Phraarte,  a  box rgcoi.se  in  La  Belle  Egyptienne  and  Tyr 
et  Sidon,  shepherds  in  Felismene,  archer*  in  Gesippe,  a  physician 
in  Force  du  Sang,  judges  in  Innocence  Descouverte,  Clitophon,  and 
elsewhere.  It  is  thus  evident  that  all  social  classes  may  be 
represented  in  these  plays  from  kings  to  peasants.  The  leading 
personages,  however,  belong  to  the  aristocratic,1  leisure  classes, 
and  are  at  times  of  royal  blood;  as,  in  Phraarte,  Les  Heureuses 
Infortu/nes,  Aretaphile,  Tyr  et  Sidon. 

The  stylistic  qualities  of  these  plays  are  of  a  low  order. 
Hardy's  work,  written  hurriedly  to  meet  a  popular  demand,  is 
involved,  exaggerated,  and  frequently  obscure.  There  is  a  lack 
of  taste  in  the  speeches  of  his  personages,  whose  emotions  are 
rarely  expressed  with  accuracy.  Although  his  contemporaries 
wrote  with  greater  care,  their  style  is  rarely  fluent.  Lines  are 
padded,  sentiments  concealed  by  a  wealth  of  classical  allusions,  or 
refined  under  the  influence  of  the  rising  pr&yieux.  Of  numerous 
examples  that  may  be  cited,  the  following  suffice  to  show  the  bad 
taste  of  the  authors  : 

"  Le  bouton  degoutant  des  larmes  de  l'Aurore 
Plus  auide  n'attend  le  Soleil  a  s'eclorre, 
Les  petits  Oisillons  dans  le  nid  affamez, 
Vn  repas  incertain  de  leurs  parents  aymez, 
La  Tourtre  sa  moitie  par  le  bois  £cartee, 
Le  Pilote  vn  bon  vent  a  sa  Nef  arrestee, 
Que  fievreuse  d' amour  i'attens  ce  beau  pourtrait, 
Cet  aymable  voleur  qui  mon  amp  soustrait."  2 

"Terreurs  d'Acberon,  geines  epouventables 
Du  Cocyte  fumeus,  aux  ombres  lamentables  : 
Embrazements  cruels  du  nuiteus  Phlegeton, 
Foudres,  rage?,  effrois  de  la  fiere  Alecton,  etc."  ; 

^he  only  exception  seems  to  be  found  in  V Ephesicnnc,  where  the  rank  of  the 
widow  is  not  stated.     The  governor  of  the  province  is,  however,  introduced. 

2  Felismene,  I,  2. 

3  From  Ariodan's  invocation,  Genevre,  l. 


144  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

A  nourrice  thus  reminds  her  mistress  of  her  age  : 

'"Madame,  le  flambeau  de  ce  grand  Univers 
Trace  1' oblique  enceint  de  ses  globes  diuers 
Pour  la  fois  quarantiesme,  et  Cer6s  la  feconde 
Par  quatre  fois  dix  ans  panche  sa  tresse  blonde, 
Depuis  qu'a  l'oeil  du  Ciel  vos  yeux  ont  emprunte' 
Les  esclairs  foudroyant  de  leur  viue  Clarte, 
Et  qu'avez  attire  de  vos  leures  iumelles 
Le  nectar  nourricier  de  mes  ieunes  mamelles."  ! 

Clitophon,  finding  Lucippe  alive  in  a  coffin,  exclaims  : 

' '  Ha  que  ie  suis  ravie 
De  trouver  au  cercueil  une  seconde  vie."  2 

Meliane,  lamenting  the  loss  of  her  lover,  cries  : 

' '  O  mer  !  amere  mere  a  la  mere  d'  Amour. ' '  3 

Yet  by  the  side  of  such  absurd  preciosite,  graceful  lines  occur. 

The    same    Meliane,    when    about    to    be    killed,    says    to    the 

executioner  : 

' '  Pauvre  homme,  pleures-tu  ?  te  desplaist-il  a  toy 
De  suivre  mon  desir  et  le  plaisir  du  roy?"  4 

In  Ariadne  Phcedre   recites  the    following    lines,  which,   though 
commonplace,  offer  a  pleasing  contrast  to  Hardy's  usual  style : 

"  Le  soldat  ne  scauroit  parler  que  de  la  guerre, 
Le  pasteur  des  troupeaux,  le  rustre  de  la  terre, 
Des  vents  le  marinier,  et  les  amans  touiours, 
De  voix,  oil  de  penser  parlent  de  leurs  amours."  5 

A  higher  degree  of  excellence  is  reached  by  Du  Ryer  and  Pichou  : 

"  Que  la  plus  belle  loy  que  l'amour  puisse  avoir 
C'est  de  n'en  avoir  point,  et  de  n'en  point  sea  voir."  6 

"Si  je  suis  Roy  d'un  peuple,  elle  est  Reine  sur  moy."  7 
' '  Le  plus  rude  trepas 
Sous  un  Prince  cruel  a  toujours  des  apas."  T 

"La  femme  est  un  roseau  qui  branle  au  premier  vent, 
L' image  d'une  mer  et  d'un  sable  mouvant."  8 

1  Innocence  Descouverle,  I.  2  Clitophon,  ill,  2. 

s  Tyr  et  Sidon,  J.  n,  IV,  3.  *  Ibidem,  V,  2. 

5  in.  6  Aretaphile,  i,  10. 

1 1bidem,  n,  1.  8  Folies  de  Cardenio,  II,  2. 


lis  Origin  and  Development.  145 

Such  speeches,  however,  tend  to  become  platitudes,  which  are  of 
common  occurrence  in  these  plays,  furnishing,  perhaps,  one  reason 
of  their  popularity,  if  one  may  judge  by  the  applause  that  greets  the 
trite  on  the  contemporary  stage.  A  dialogue  is  sometimes  carried 
on  by  a  series  of  platitudes  ;  as, 

"  Sisimetre:  Donter  sa  passion  c'est  chose  vertueuse. 

Charicles  :  II  faut  en  cause  iuste  une  ame  courageuse. 

S.  :  La  colere  sied  raal  a  l'homnie  malheureux. 

C.  :  La  fortune  n'a  rien  sur  un  cceur  genereux. 

S.  :  L'afflige  doit  en  tout  user  de  patience. 

C.  :  A  l'afflige  ne  faut  user  de  violence,  etc."  ' 

However  artificial  such  a  dialogue  may  be,  it  shows  a  dramatic 
advance  from  the  ponderous  monologues  that  had  been  the  banc 
of  the  French  sixteenth-century  tragedy,  and  were  imitated  by 
early  tragi-comedies.  Hardy  uses  the  monologue  especially  in 
Procris  and  Ariadne,  writing  the  fourth  act  of  the  latter  in  one 
long  soliloquy.  AVhen  he  wrote  his  later  plays,  he  seems  to  have 
realized  the  superior  dramatic  qualities  of  the  dialogue.  The 
plays  of  his  contemporaries  show  corresponding  changes,  from 
the  lengthy  monologues  of  Genevre  to  the  rapid  dialogues  of 
Du  Ryer. 

The  classical  influence,  which  is  partly  responsible  for  the 
excessive  use  of  the  monologue,  predominates  in  the  divisions  of 
the  play.  All  of  these  tragi-comedies  are  divided  into  five  acts. 
The  subdivision  into  scenes  is  the  rule,  but  exceptions  occur  in 
acts  of  Procris,  Ariadne,  Alcestc,  JJ Mhiopique,  Genevre,  L'Ephe- 
sienne,  Philandre  et  Marisee.  Du  Ryer,  on  the  other  hand,  is 
prodigal  of  scenes,  dividing  both  Aretaphile  and  Clitophon  into  no 
less  than  fifty-eight. 

Another  advance  is  in  the  suppression  of  the  chorus,  which 
survives  only  in  V fithio pique,  I?  Ephesienne,  Genevre,  and  Phi- 
landre et  Marisee.  In  the  last  two  plays  it  occurs  after  all  the 
acts  except  the  fifth  ;  in  the  others,  after  all  the  acts.  It  serves 
in  these  cases  to  comment  upon  the  action  without  mingling  in  it. 
Hardy's  tragi-comedies  show  a   lyric  chorus  in  the  third  act  of 

1  V  Ethiopique,  I. 


146  The  French  Tragi-  Comedy  : 

Arsacome,  where  soldiers  recite  seven  strophes  on  the  insecurity 
of  kings,  while  Loncate  is  murdering  Leucanor,  and  in  Theagene 
et  Cariclee,1  where  inhabitants  of  Memphis  offer  a  hymn  to  Isis 
and  pirates  sing  at  the  nuptials  of  their  leader.  Elsewhere 
Hardy's  chorus  has  become  a  non-lyric  troupe,  comparable  to  the 
Roman  mob. 

Apart  from  Alexandre  et  Annette,  which  is  written  in  eight- 
syllable  verse,  and  Aymee,  composed  in  verses  of  six,  eight,  ten, 
and  twelve  syllables,  the  tragi-comedies  are  written  in  Alexan- 
drines, except  in  the  case  of  certain  lyric  passages  that  occur  in 
nine  of  them.  Hardy  uses  shorter  verse  forms  only  in  the 
choral  passage  just  mentioned.  In  Genevre  the  choruses  are 
written  in  verses  of  seven  and  eight  syllables,  and  Ariodan's 
long  final  speech  is  in  eight-syllable  verses.  The  choruses  in 
IS  Ethiopique  are  in  verses  of  six,  seven,  and  eight  syllables ; 
in  IJ Ephesienne  and  Philandre  et  Marisee  in  verses  of  eight 
syllables.  In  the  first  part  of  Les  Heureuses  Infortunes  are  three 
erotic  songs,  the  first  two  in  eight-syllable,  the  third  in  six-  and 
three-syllable  verse.2  Clitophon,  when  imprisoned  for  the  supposed 
murder  of  Lucippe,  laments  in  strophes  of  alternating  lines  of 
twelve  and  six  syllables,  the  lines  riming  with  the  next  of  the  same 
length.3  In  the  Folies  de  Cardenio  a  love  letter  is  written  in 
eight-syllable  verses,  and  two  erotic  soliloquies 4  in  verses  of  eight 
and  twelve  syllables,  of  which  the  first  has  almost  the  same 
atrophic  form  as  the  Stances  in  Polyeucte,  while  the  second  shows 
nine  verses  of  eight  syllables,  followed  by  a  single  Alexandrine. 
Finally,  in  Tyr  et  Sidon  a  page  sings  a  song,  in  verses  of  eight 
syllables  with  a  refrain,  praising  peace  and  love  as  opposed  to 
war.  The  possibility  of  using  these  lighter  measures  shows  a 
stylistic  improvement  upon  Hardy's  classical  monotony  of  form. 
But  this  classical  influence  is  still  predominant  in  the  tragi- 
comedy, for  the  lyric  measure,  outside  of  the  choruses,  is  used 
only  in  occasional  letters  or  songs  of  an  erotic  nature  and  in 
soliloquies  expressing  sadness  or  joy. 

1  J.  v,  i,  2  and  J.  I,  v,  3.  2Cf.  above,  p.  119. 

3  Clitophon,  v,  2.  *  n,  1  ;  in,  2  ;  iv,  6. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  147 

The  qualities  discussed  in  the  preceding  pages  are  those  of 
the  tragi-comedy  when  definitively  established  in  France.  A 
structural  freedom  which  violates  all  unities  but  that  of  interest 
in  the  fate  of  the  leading  personages,  a  romanesqvie  and  non-historic 
plot,  a  happy  denouement,  personages  of  mixed  rank,  of  whom  the 
principal  individuals  are  aristocrats,  classical  division  into  acts,  and 
use  of  Alexandrines  in  the  main  parts  of  the  plays,  are  the 
dominant  characteristics  of  the  genre.  The  religious  tragi-comedy 
has  now  been  relegated  to  provincial  schools  and  monasteries, 
while  the  romanesque  has  become  the  most  popular  dramatic  genre 
on  the  French  stage.  The  rising  generation  of  playwrights  turn 
their  attention  largely  to  it.  Du  Ryer,  Mairet,  Rotrou,  Scudery, 
Boisrobert,  Quinault,  and  others  write  many  tragi-comedies 
during  the  following  thirty  years,  which  carry  on  the  principles 
established  for  the  genre  by  Hardy  and  his  contemporaries. 
With  the  last  publication  of  Hardy's  plays  (1628)  the  history  of 
the  tragi-comedy  in  France  during  its  time  of  development  is 
complete.  To  show  the  extent  of  the  influence  exerted  by  these 
plays,  I  shall,  however,  give  in  a  final  chapter  a  brief  account  of 
the  subsequent  history  of  the  genre. 


148  The  French   Tragi-  Comedy : 


CHAPTER    IV. 

SUBSEQUENT   HISTORY   OF   THE  TRAGI-COMEDY. 

To  show  the  influence  exerted  by  the  tragi-comedies  of  Hardy 
and  his  contemporaries  on  those  that  followed  in  the  next  period 
(1628-1636),  a  list  of  tragi-comedies,  beginning  with  Rotrou's 
first  play  (1628)  and  ending  with  Corneille's  did  (1636)  has  been 
added  as  Appendix  B,  in.  From  the  eight  years  that  lie  between 
the  representations  of  these  two  plays,  fifty-three  tragi-comedies 
are  extant,  a  larger  number  than  that  of  the  extant  tragi-comedies 
of  the  preceding  twenty-eight  years.1  That  this  genre  had  now 
become  the  most  popular  in  France  is  shown  by  an  examination 
of  the  Memoire  of  Mahelot,  a  document  that  gives  a  list  of  plays 
acted  at  the  Hotel  de  Bourgogue  from  about  1633  2  to  1636,  some 
of  which  were  written  during  this  period,  others  in  the  preceding 
decade,  or  even  earlier.  Of  the  seventy-one  plays  listed,  twenty- 
two,3  including  twelve  assigned  to  Hardy  are  lost,  so  that  it  is  not 

1  It  does  not  follow  that  a  larger  number  of  tragi-comedies  were  written  in  the 
later  than  in  the  earlier  period,  for  the  bulk  of  Hardy's  work  was  produced  between 
1600  and  1628,  including  without  doubt  numerous  tragi-comedies  that  have  been 
lost. 

2  Rigal  {Alexandre  Hardy,  682)  posits  1631  instead  of  1633,  basing  his  conclu- 
sion on  the  dates  of  the  second,  fourth,  and  sixth  plays  mentioned  in  the  Memoire. 
Since  he  wrote,  however,  Stiefel  (ZFSL,  xvi,  22-3)  has  shown  that  the  first  of  the 
three  plays,  Rotrou's  Occasions  perdues,  was  written  in  1633  instead  of  1631,  as 
the  Freres  Parfaict  state.  As  this  is  the  first  play  in  the  list  of  which  the  date  is 
known,  the  Memoire  cannot  have  been  begun  before  1633. 

3I  include  among  these  Auvray's  Madonte,  mentioned,  without  name  of  author, 
in  the  Memo  ire,  folios  17  vo.  and  18.  Rigal  (Alexandre  Hardy,  687)  is  in  doubt  as 
to  whether  this  play  is  meant,  or  one  by  Pierre  Cottignon,  mentioned  by  Beau- 
champs,  ii,  96  ;  while  Dacier  (Memoire  de  Lauren/  Mahelot,  discussion  of  folios  17 
vo.  and  18),  blindly  following  the  statement  of  the  Freres  Parfaict  (iv,  494)  that 
Auvray's  play  was  not  acted,  declares  that  "  il  s'agit  de  Pierre  Cottignon."  No 
one  who  reads  Auvray's  Madonte,  however,  can  doubt  that  this  is  the  play  indicated 
by  Mahelot,  for  not  only  do  the  general  details  of  the  mise  en  scene  described  by 
the  latter  fit  this  play,  but  there  are  special  correspondences,  as  when  Mahelot 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  149 

known  to  what  genre  they  belonged.  Of  the  remaining  forty-nine, 
two  are  tragedies,  eleven  comedies,  five  pastorals,  lour  tragi-com&- 
dirs  pastorales,  and  twenty-seven  tragi-comedies.  It  seems, 
therefore,  that  at  the  Hotel  de  Bonrgogne,  the  leading  French 
theater,  more  tragi-comedies  were  acted  from  1633  to  1636  than 
plays  belonging  to  all  the  other  dramatic  genres  put  together. 

The  tragi-comedy  was  now  written  by  the  leading  dramatists, 
Rotron,  Du  Ryer,  Mairet,  and  Scudery.  Corneille  contributed 
( 'litandre  (1632)  to  the  genre  and  called  his  Cid  a  tragi-comedy  in 
its  early  editions,  though  its  classical  elements  subsequently 
induced  him  to  publish  it  as  a  tragedy.  All  but  three  of  the 
extant  tragi-comedies  were  published  at  Paris,  where  the  great 
majority  of  them  must  have  been  acted.  Their  sources  were  much 
the  same  as  those  used  by  Hardy  and  his  contemporaries.  The 
Odyssey,  source  of  Les  Travaux  d'  Ulysse,  is  the  only  classical 
work  followed,  but  the  Orlando  Furioso,  the  Amadis,  Cervantes' s 
Novelas  Exemplares,  Gomberville's  Polexandre,  Barclay's  Argenis, 
and,  especially,  the  Astree  of  Honors  d'Urfe,  supplied  the  plots  of 
many  tragi-comedies.  Rotrou's  Occasions  Perdues  (1633)  is  the 
first  tragi-comedy  to  show  the  influence  of  the  Spanish  drama, 
from  which  source  he  had  drawn  the  plot  of  his  comedy,  La 
Hague  de  VOubly,  in  1628. 

As  may  be  supposed  from  such  sources,  the  plays  are  thoroughly 
romanesque,  based  on  love  and  employing  in  detail  disguises, 
resemblances,  duels,  poisonings,  suicides,  and  other  measures,  with 
which  the  reader  of  earlier  tragi-comedies  is  thoroughly  familiar. 
Further  interest  is  added  by  a  spirit  of  adventure,  particularly 
visible  in  the  Travaux  d}  Ulysse,  by  a  delineation  of  loyalty  to  a 
monarch  in  the  Vassal  Genereux,  by  appeals  to  patriotism,  shown 
in  the  frequent  location  of  the  scene  in  France,  and  by  such 
occasional  passages  as  that  found  in  Argenis  et  Poliarque,  V,  2: 

"  La  valeur  se  nourrit  dans  le  sein  de  la  France, 
Elle  a  tousiours  faict  voir  que  ses  moindres  guerriers 
Arracheroient  a  Mars  ses  plus  riches  lauriers." 


writes,  "l'acte  deuxiesme,  un  mouchoir  ensanglante",  une  bague,"  both  of  which 
articles  are  used  in  Auvray's  Madonte,  in  the  third  scene  of  the  second  act;  and 
"  il  faut  un  rondache  ou  il  y  ayt  un  tigre  peint,"  referring  to  the  hero  of  this  [day 
"qui  porte  pour  sa  marque  un  tigre  en  son  bouclier,"  (v,  3). 


150  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

The  only  non-romanesque  tragi-comedies  written  during  these 
years  are  two  school  plays,  of  which  one,  the  lost  Triomphe 
d' Octave  Cisar  (1631),  is  historical,  the  other,  S.  Sebastien  Martyr 
(1635),  is  religious.  In  these  the  purpose  is  the  instruction  of 
the  audience,  as  it  is  again  in  L' Inconstance  Punie.  The  main 
purpose  elsewhere  is  to  arouse  the  curiosity  of  the  audience  by  a 
series  of  romantic  adventures  and  exaggerated  expressions  of 
emotion,  although  morality  may  be  inculcated  subordinately  ;  as, 
in  Madonte  or  the  Trompeur  puny. 

So  little  regard  is  paid  in  these  pieces  to  the  unities  that  many 
of  the  plays  have  nearly  the  structural  looseness  of  the  romances 
from  which  they  are  derived.  Distinct  plots  are  dramatized 
successively  in  one  play  ;  as,  for  example,  in  the  Travaux  d'  Ulysse 
and  the  Trompeur  puny.  They  may  be  interwoven  with  one 
another,  as  they  are  in  La  Soeur  Valeureusc,  IAgdamon  et  Lidias, 
or  UOrizelle.  Rotrou  is  especially  given  to  the  latter  usage, 
which  leads  him  to  a  triple  denouement  in  Les  Occasions  perdues 
and  L'Heureuse  Constance.  The  unity  of  place  is  similarly  vio- 
lated, so  that,  for  example,  the  scene  of  Argenis  et  Poliarque  is 
laid  in  France  and  Sicily ;  that  of  TJIndienne  Amoureuse  in 
Florida  and  Peru.  The  time  in  which  the  action  takes  place 
is  usually  several  months. 

The  personages  represent  various  social  ranks,  with  aristocrats 
in  the  leading  roles.  Kings  are  frequently  introduced,  as  in 
Argenis  and  Orizelle  ;  bourgeois,  as  in  La  Bourgeoise  ;  the  lower 
classes,  as  the  butcher  in  Lisandre  et  Caliste,  or  the  coachman 
in  Agarite.  The  denouement  is  happy,  even  in  JJ Lnconstavce 
Punie,  where  the  heroine's  sisters  perish,  but  she  escapes  death 
and  is  united  to  the  hero.  The  comic  elements  are  purely  sub- 
sidiary and  usually  take  up  a  small  part  of  the  play,1  but  in 
UOspital  des  Fous  they  are  of  frequent  occurrence,  though  sub- 
ordinate to  the  main  plot.  The  division  into  five  acts  and 
subdivision  into  scenes  continue  throughout  the  period.  The  use 
of  Alexandrines  is  the  rule,  to  which  exceptions  occur,  especially 
in  L' Lnconstance  Punie,  where  the  verse  forms  of  the  dialogues  are 

1  Cf .,  for  example,  Madonte,  I,  3  or  Argenis,  n,  2. 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  151 

repeatedly  varied.  In  other  plays  short  verse  forms  are  used, 
especially  for  love  letters,  soliloquies,  and  hymns.1 

Similar  dramatic  qualities  are  found  in  the  tragi-comedies  that 
continued  to  appear,  still  in  large  numbers,  after  the  representation 
of  the  Cid,  at  the  end  of  1636.  It  was  by  means  of  a  tragi- 
comedy, V Amour  tyrannique  (1638,  printed  1639),  that  Scudery 
sought  to  rival  the  did.  It  was  in  tragi-comedies  that  Richelieu 
tried  to  show  that  his  genius  was  dramatic  as  well  as  political. 
Under  his  direction  a  tragi-comedy,  L'Aveugk  de  Srrvyrne,  was 
written  by  the  collaboration  of  Corneille,  Rotrou,  Boisrobert, 
L'Etoile,  and  Colletet ;  and  another  tragi-comedy,  Mirame,  was 
composed  by  Desmarests  for  the  opening  of  the  "  grande  salle  du 
Palais  Cardinal."  Such  authors  as  Rotrou,  Mairet,  Du  Ryer, 
Mareschal,  Scndery,  and  Boisrobert,  who  had  written  tragi-come- 
dies before  1636,  continued  to  write  them  after  that  date.  Their 
example  was  followed  by  a  number  of  younger  authors,  among 
whom  the  most  prominent  were  Desfontaines,  La  Calprenede, 
Desmarests,  Chevreau,  Gillet  de  la  Tessonuerie,  Baro,  Colletet, 
Gabriel  Gilbert,  d'Ouville,  Scarron,  and  Quinault.  By  the  side 
of  the  romanesque  dramas  of  these  authors,  the  religious  tragi- 
comedies of  the  school  continued  sporadically  the  medieval 
tradition,  for  one  finds  in  Savoy  a  Sainfe-Barbe,  vierge  et 
ehrestienne  of  1654,2  and  in  Belgium  La  Bonne  et  Mauvaise  Croix, 
ou  Saint  Andre  of  1665.3 

Toward  1650,  however,  the  number  of  tragi-comedies  that 
appeared  each  year  was  decreasing  and  by  1660  had  become  very 
small,  if  one  may  judge  by  those  of  which  the  names  have  been 
preserved.  With  the  Psyche  of  Corneille,  Moliere,  and  Quinault 
(1671)  and  the  Parfaits  Amis  of  Chappuzeau  (1672)  the  genre 
practically  ceases  to  exist,  although  sporadic  examples  of  the  use 
of  its  name  recur  during  the  following  centuries.4  The  causes  of 
this  decay  are  not  far  to  seek. 

1  Compare,  for  example,  Pyrundre  et  Lisime'ne,  I,  4  ;  L'  Infidelle  Confidente,  IV,  4  ; 
Omphalic,  v,  3. 

2  See  Mugnier,  Thedtre  en  Savoie,  97.  3  See  Faber,  iv,  340- 
4  The  following  plays  may  be  cited  in  illustration  of  this  recurrence  : 
Monsieur  le  marechal  de  Luxembourg  au  lid  de  la  mort,  tragicomedie  en  cinq  octet 

.  .  .  MDCC.     Bibliotheque  Nationaie,  MS.  Jr.  2957,  fol.  232. 


152  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

In  the  first  place  the  popular  taste  had  reacted  from  the  spirit 
of*  the  early  seventeenth  century,  which  had  found  expression  in 
the  romanesque  tragi-comedy,  as  well  as  in  the  preeieux  Hotel  de 
Rambouillet  and  in  the  romances  of  Honore  d'Urfe  and  Madeleine 
de  Scudery.  The  Parisian  public,  grown  weary  of  the  multiplicity 
of  incident  and  exaggerated  portrayal  of  character,  found  in  the 
tragi-comedy,  turned  from  that  genre  to  the  truer  representations 
of  life  that  they  found  on  the  classical  stage.  It  is  after  the 
appearance  of  Horace  and  Polyeucte  that  the  tragi-comedy  begins 
to  decline,  not  long  after  the  successes  of  Moliere  and  Racine  that 
it  ceases  to  exist. 

But  in  addition  to  the  change  in  the  taste  of  the  Parisian  public 
and  the  increasing  popularity  of  the  classical  stage,  the  tragi- 
comedy suffered  from  certain  changes  in  its  own  composition  and 
in  the  use  of  the  terms,  tragedy  and  comedy,  which  brought 
about  its  confusion  with  these  genre*.  As  early  as  Mairet's 
Ckriseide  et  Arimand  (1625)  tendencies  toward  unity  of  plot 
existed  in  tragi-comedies.  In  his  Silvanire,  a  tragi-comedie  pasto- 
rale, and  his  Virgin ie,  a  tragi-comedy,  Mairet  continued  these 
tendencies,  which  were  carried  further  by  Desmarests  in  Mirame, 
a  tragi-comedy  which  preserves  the  classical  unities.  At  the  same 
time  psychological  struggles,  which  had  formerly  held  a  distinctly 
subordinate  place  in  tragi-comedies,  became  important  iu  the 
denouements  of  La  Fidelle  Tromperie  and  Agesilan  de  Colchos  and 
formed  the  essence  of  the  plot  of  Rayssiguier's  Celidee.  Thus  it 
is  that  the  unity  and  psychology  of  the  CM  did  not  prevent 
its  being  called  a  tragi-comedy,  a  title  that  fitted  well  its  roma- 
nesque plot  and  happy  denouement. 

Le  Berger  d'Amphise  tragi-comedie  (1727)  by  Delisie  de  la  Drevetiere,  Bibliothe- 
que Nationale,  MS.fr.  9311. 

L'Ambitieux  et  I' Indiscrelte  tragi-comedie  (1737)  by  Nencault  Destouches,  Oeuvres 
dramatiques,  vol.  VI  (Paris,  1758). 

Le  Nottaire  extravaguant,  tragi-comedie  (  undated,  but  probably  latter  half  of  the 
eighteenth  century).     Bibliotheque  Rationale,  MS.  Jr.  9248. 

Les  Conslipes  d'Asnieres  ou  la  Deeouverte  de  Pemetioue,  parade  t ray i- com i que 
(1840),  by  T.  Thibaut,  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  MS.  fr.  9248. 

Scarron,  comedie  tragique,  by  Catulle  Mendes,  Paris,  1905. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  153 

While  the  tragi-cornedy  was  thus  approaching  the  tragedy  by  a 
greater  unity  of  plot  and  a  more  careful  study  of  the  emotions, 
another  barrier  that  had  separated  the  two  genres  in  France,  the 
nature  of  the  denouement,  was  removed  by  Corneille,  when,  follow- 
ing the  example  of  Euripides,  he  showed  in  China,  and  partially 
in  Horace,  that  a  tragedy  could  have  a  happy  denouement,  a  usage 
approved  by  d'Aubignac,  as  already  noted.1  Thus,  the  more 
serious  tragi-comedies,  which  showed  an  approach  to  classical 
unity  and  psychology,  came  to  be  called  tragedies,  in  spite  of 
their  happy  denouement.  The  Old,  first  known  as  a  tragi-comedy, 
was  called  a  tragedy  along  with  Polyeucte  and  Rodogune. 

On  the  other  hand,  certain  tragi-comedies,  as  L'Ospital  den 
Fans,  approached  the  comedy  by  an  iucrease  in  the  comic  element, 
as  did  others  by  a  bourgeois  spirit  that  enters  more  especially  into 
La  Bourgeoise  and  UEsperance  Glorieuse.  The  term  comedie, 
moreover,  was  now  applied  to  translations  of  the  Spanish  comedia 
and  related  plays,  which  differed  little  in  their  essential  qualities 
from  the  lighter  forms  of  the  tragi-comedy.  Thus  some  tragi- 
comedies were  confused  with  comedies,  as  others  were  with 
tragedies.  The  two  terms  that  had  the  sanction  of  Greek  and 
Latin  usao-e  were  gradually  extended  to  occupy  the  intermediate 
ground  formerly  held  by  the  tragi-comedy.  Thus  French  drama- 
tists, answering  the  demands  of  their  age,  either  ceased  to  write 
tragi-comedies,  or  called  them  by  another  name.  As  an  inde- 
pendent genre,  the  tragi-comedy  ceased  to  exist. 

Such  is  the  history  of  the  French  tragi-comedy.  Drawing  its 
substance  from  the  medieval  drama  and  its  form  from  the  Greek 
and  Roman  stage,  it  united  these  elements  after  the  example  of  the 
genre  in  other  European  countries  and  came  into  existence  in  1552. 
During  the  sixteenth  century  it  represented  a  number  of  medieval 
genres,  connected  by  their  partially  classical  form  and  happy 
denouement.  One  variety,  the  romanesque,  showed  its  superior 
qualities,  becoming  with  Hardy  in  the  seventeenth  century  the 
only  active  form  of  the  tragi-comedy.  Before  the  establishment  of 
the  classical  tragedy  this  romanesque  tragi-comedy  became  the  most 

1  See  above,  p.  xvii. 


154  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

popular  and  extensively  written  dramatic  genre  in  France.  But 
its  preeminence  was  brief,  for,  encroached  upon  by  the  closely 
related  tragedy  and  comedy,  and  out  of  harmony  with  the  classical 
spirit  of  the  time,  it  fell  into  disuse  and,  toward  1672,  ceased  to 
have  a  more  than  sporadic  existence. 

Unless  the  Cid  be  considered  a  tragi-cornedy,  the  genre  left 
behind  no  great  literary  monument,  since  it  neglected  the  study  of 
character  and  passion  for  the  romanesque  and  the  melodramatic, 
thus  attaining  a  large  popularity,  but  making  no  permanent  or 
universal  appeal.  But  the  tragi-comedy  holds  an  important  position 
in  the  history  of  the  French  stage,  serving  as  a  connecting  link 
between  the  theater  of  the  middle  ages  and  that  of  the  classical 
period,  and  by  its  influence  making  it  possible  for  Corneille's 
tragedy  to  succeed  where  Jodelle's  had  failed.  It  preserved  the 
popular  qualities  of  the  medieval  drama,  modernized  them,  and 
passed  them  to  the  classicists,  thus  establishing  itself  as  an  integral 
part  of  the  most  continuously  excellent  of  national  theaters. 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  155 


APPENDIX  A. 

NON-FRENCH  TRAGICOMEDIES  WRITTEN 
BEFORE  1582.1 

1494. — Fernandas  Servatus.  Tragicomoedia  by  Carlo  and 
Marcel]  ino  Verardi.  Acted  and  printed  at  Rome.  Reprinted 
at  Strasburg  in  1513.2  The  dedicatory  epistle  to  Cardinal 
Mendoza  refers  to  a  representation  of  the  play  in  his  presence.3 

1501. — Tragicoco media  de  iherosolomitana  profectione  illus- 
trissimi  principis  pomeriani  by  Johann  von  Kitzscher.  Leip- 
zig.4 

1  See   above,   page   24   seq. 

2  The  reprints  mentioned  by  Creizenach  (Oeschichte,  II,  10,  n. )  were 
of  the  Historia  Baetica  only  and  not  of  both  dramas,  as  he  incorrectly 
states. 

3Hain,  Repertorium  Bibliographicum,  No.  15943,  Stuttgart,  1826-38. 
4  vols.;  Gingueng,  Histoire  litteraire  d'ltalie,  VI,  16-17;  Soleinne,  Dic- 
tionnaire,  I,  no.  172;  Chassang,  Essais  dramatiques,  140-1;  Brunet,  Ma- 
nuel, V,  1128;  D'Ancona,  Hoc.  Rap.  II,  155-6;  Creizenach,  Oeschichte,  II, 
9.  The  edition  dated  Aug.  16,  1494,  is  cited  by  Hain,  Repertorium,  II, 
474.  Another  edition,  without  place  or  date,  is  bound  with  the  Historia 
Baetica  of  Carlo  Verardi,  which  was  acted  in  1492  and  printed  in  1493. 
On  this  account  these  dates  have  been  incorrectly  assigned  to  Fernandus 
Servatus.  Now,  this  play  commemorates  the  attempted  assassination  of 
King  Ferdinand  of  Spain  and  his  lecovery  from  the  wound  received  at 
the  time.  As  the  attempt  was  made  on  Dec.  7,  1492,  and  as  the  king 
was  not  restored  to  health  until  three  weeks  later,  it  is  impossible  that 
the  play  could  have  been  written  and  produced  at  Rome  before  1493. 
Furthermore,  as  it  is  dedicated  to  Pedro  Mendoza,  who  died  Jan.  11, 
1495,  it  must  have  been  written  before  1495.  As  the  year  1493  has  noth- 
ing in  support  of  it  except  the  fact  that  the  Historia  Baetica  was  pub- 
lished that  year,  while  1494  is  endorsed  by  Hain,  the  latter  date  must  be 
assigned  to  the  play. 

4  Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  I,  no.  275;  Brunet,  Manuel,  III,  671;  Creizen- 
ach, Oeschichte,  II,  34. 


156  The  French   Tragi-  Comedy : 

1502. — Celestina.  Tragicomedia  de  Cdlisto  y  Melibea.  Au- 
thorship unknown,  but  assigned  to  Fernando  de  Rojas.  Prob- 
ably written  about  1483 ;  first  extant  edition  published  at 
Burgos,  1499 ;  first  called  tragicomedia  in  the  edition  of  Se- 
ville, 1502.  Numerous  reprints  before  1582  at  various  towns 
of  Spain,  at  Venice,  Milan,  Genoa,  and  Antwerp.1 

1513-1533. — Nine  tragicomedias  in  Portuguese  and  Spanish 
by  Gil  Vicente:  Exhovtagab  da  Guerra,  Cortes  de  Jupiter,  Dom 
Duardos,  Fragoa  de  Amor,  Templo  de  Apollo,  Nao  de  amoves, 
Tviumpho  do  Inverno,  Romagem  de  Aggravados,  Amadis  de 
Gaula.     Collection  published  at  Lisbon,   1562.2 

1530. 3 — Tragicomedia  del  Epicuro  napoletano.  intitulata  la 
Cecavia,  nuovamente  aggiuntovi  un  bellissimo  lamento  del 
Geloso.  Con  la  Luminaria  non  piu  posta  in  luce.  Antonio 
Marsi  is  the  author's  name.  Venice.  It  had  been  printed  at 
Venice  in  1525,  1526,  and  1528  as  Dialogo  di  tre  Ciechi  with- 
out being  called  tragicomedia.  It  was  reprinted  seventeen 
times  at  Venice  once  at  Milan  and  once  at  Naples  by  the  year 
1575.4 

1  Gallardo,  Ensayo,  TV,  241;  Brunei,  Manuel,  I,  1715  and  Supp.,  T. 
229;  Barrera,  Catdlogo,  298;  Biblioteca  de  Autores  espanoles,  III,  12; 
R.  Foulche-Delbosc,  Revue  Hispanique,  VII,  28-80  and  IX,  171-99;  Konrad 
Haebler,  ibidem,  IX,  137-70. 

2  Gil  Vicente,  Obias,  II,  181-532  (edited  by  J.  V.  Barreto  Feio  and 
J.  G.  Monteiro,  Hamburg.  1834,  3  vols.);  Braga,  Historia  da  Litteratura. 
Theatro  no  Sec.  XVI,  10-207;  Creizenaeh,  Oeschichte,  III,  191  seq.  Of 
these  plays  Exhortarao  is  in  Portuguese;  Aggravados  and  Cortes  de 
Jupiter  (also  called  Al  parto  de  la  Reina)  are  in  Portuguese,  with  the 
exception  of  some  thirty  lines  of  Spanish  in  each;  Duardos  and  Amadis 
in  Spanish ;  the  four  others  in  both  languages. 

3D'Ancona  would  place  here  a  Comedia  overo  Tragedia  by  Bartholomeo 
Ugoni,  "che  sarebbe  il  primo  saggio  di  Tragicomedia."  Published  without 
date  or  place,  it  is  found  bound  with  a  work  dated  1521.  D'Ancona, 
Origini  del  Teatro  in  Italia,  II,  217.  Cf.  Salvioli,  Bibliografia,  811.  With 
this  may  be  compared  the  beginning  of  La  Rapresentione  [sic]  di  8.  Theo- 
dora, published  1554,  where  "incomincia  la  commedia  o  vero  tragedia." 
Cf.  D'Ancona,  Hacre  Rappresentazioni,  II,  324. 

4  Salvioli,  Bibliografia,  701-2;  Scelta  di  curiositd  letterarie,  I  Drammi 
Pastorali  di  Antonio  Marsi,  Vol.  II  {Bologna,  1888)  ;  De  Gubernatis, 
Storia  universale  della  letteratura,  I,  384;  Brunet,  Manuel,  II,  1016; 
Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  III,  Nos.  4130  and  4131 ;  Riccoboni,  Histoire  du 
Theatre  italien,  148;  Crescimbeni,  Comentarj,  II,  185. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  157 

1535. — Tragicomoedia  ex  Daniele  propheta  contra  idolatriam 
by  Joannes  Carbonirosa  Kirchoviensis  or  by  Xystus  Betulius  of 
Augsburg.     Bale. 1 

1537. — Susanna  Comoedia  Tragica  by  Xystus  Betulius 
(Sixt  Birk).  Augsburg.  Reprinted  at  Cologne  and  Zurich 
1538;  Cologne  1539;  Augsburg  about  1540  and  15G4;  Zurich 
1541 ;  Bale  1541,  1547,  and  1564.  Reprinted  recently  by  Jo- 
hannes Bolte  in  Lateinische  Litteraturdenkmaler,  VIII,  Berlin, 
1893.2 

1539. — Tragicomedia  alcgorica  del  Paraiso  y  del  infierno. 
Burgos. 3  4 

1540  ( ?). — ludith.  Drama  comicotragicum.  Exemplum  rei- 
publicae  recte  institutae:  unde  discitur,  quomodo  arma  contra 
Turcam  sint  capienda,  by  Xystus  Betulius.  Augsburg.  Re- 
printed at  Cologne  1544,  and  at  Bale  1547 5 

1  Epitome  Bibliothecae  Conradi  Gesneri,  I,  60  vo. ;  Mistere  du  Viel  Tes- 
tament, V,  p.  LIII.  Soleinne  in  his  Dictionnaire,  I,  page  S3,  follows  the 
Epitome  in  referring  this  play  to  Carbonirosa.  Now.  Betulius  is  known 
to  have  presented  a  play  on  this  subject  at  Bale  in  1535,  while  there  is 
Ein  herrliche  Tragedi  wider  die  Abgbtterey,  which  was  acted  at  Bale, 
May  9,  1535,  and  is  a  condensed  form  of  Betulius's  Beel  Ain  Herrliche 
Tragedi  wider  die  Abgbtterey,  Augsburg,  1539.  Betulius,  then,  seems  to 
have  written  a  German  play  at  Bale  in  1535  that  has  practically  the 
same  title  as  the  Latin  play  assigned  to  Carbonirosa  and  published  at 
Bale  in  the  same  year.  Hence  it  is  probable  that  Betulius,  rather  than 
Carbonirosa,  was  the  author  of  the  play.  Coedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  345; 
Creizenach,  Geschichte,  III,  325. 

2  Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  I,  Nos.  502  and  503;  Brunet,  Manuel,  I,  834 
and  II,  835;  Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  134;  Creizenach,  Geschichte,  II,  120 
and  III,  320;  Baechtold,  Geschichte,  301;  Pilger  in  Zeischrift  f.  D.  Phil- 
ologie,  1880,  129-217. 

3Moratin,  Tesoro,  I,  78;  Brunet,  Manuel,  V,  912.  Paz  y  M6lia,  Catalogo 
de  las  Piezas  de  Teatro,  388.  The  latter  refers  to  MS  2501  of  the  Biblio- 
teca  Nacional  at  Madrid,  which  contains  this  piece.  Barrera,  Catalogo. 
ATiH   and  587;   Gallardo,   Ensai/o   I,   980  seq. 

4  The  Anabion,  sive  Lazarus  Redivivus.  Comoedia  nora  et  sacre  by 
Joannes  Sapidus,  Cologne.  1539,  might  be  cited  here,  as  its  author  de- 
clares that  it  can  be  called  tragicomoedia.  Goedeke.  Grundrisz,  II.  135; 
Creizenach,  Geschichte  des  X.  Dramas,  II,  104;  Brunet.  Manuel,  V,  137. 

5Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  I,  nos.  291  and  502;  Brunet,  Manuel.  I,  834  and 
II,  835;  Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  134;  Creizenach,  Geschichte.  III.  322. 
Bolte,  in  Lateinische  Litteraturdenlmaler,  VIII,  Einleitung,  page  V,  dates 
this  play  1536,  but  he  cites  no  authority  for  the  date. 


158  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

1542. — Tragicomedia  de  Lysandro  y  Roselia  llamada  Elicia 
y  por  otro  nombre  quarta  obra  y  tercera  Celestina.     Madrid.1 

1543. — Christus  redivivus,  comoedia  tragica  sacra  et  nova  by 
Nicholas  Grimald.  Cologne.  Acted  in  Merton  College,  Ox- 
ford, probably  in  1540. 2 

1544. — Comoedia  Tragica,  quae  inscribitur  Magdalena 
Evangelica  by  Petrus  Philicinns  of  Arras.  Antwerp.  Re- 
printed there  1546. 3 

1544. — Hypocrisis.  Tragicocomoedia  by  Guilielmus  Gna- 
phaeus  ( Willem  van  de  Voldersgroft)  of  Gravenhage.     Bale.4 

1546. — Voluptatis  ac  Virtutis  Pugna.  Comoedia  tragica  et 
nova  et  pia,  by  Jacobus  Schoepper  of  Dortmund.  Cologne. 
Reprinted  there  1563. 5 

1546. — Tragicomoedia  Sant  Pauls  bekerung.  Gespilt  von 
einer  Burgerschafft  der  wytberiimpten  frysiatt  Basel,  im  jor 
M.  D.  XLVI,  by  Valentin  Boltz  of  Rufach.    Bale,  1551. 6 

1547. — Sapientia  Solomonis,  Drama  comicotragicum  by 
Xystus  Betulius.  Published  in  Dramata  sacra  ex  Veteri  Testa- 
mento  desumpta,  Bale  1547.7 

1547. — Protoplastus.  Drama  comicotragicum  by  Hierony- 
mus  Ziegler  of  Rotenburg.  Published  in  Dramata  sacra  just 
noted.8 

1547. — Nomothesia.  Drama  tragicomicum  by  Hieronymus 
Ziegler.     Published  in  Dramata  sacra  just  noted. 

1  Brunet,  Manuel,  III,  1257 ;  Barrera,  Catdlogo,  560. 

2  J.  M.  Hart  in  Publications  of  Mod.  Language  Ass.,  XIV,  3;  Creizenach, 
Geschichte,  II,  138;  Chambers,  Mediaeval  Stage,  II,  450. 

3Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  137;  Brunet,  Manuel,  IV,  607;  Soleinne, 
Dictionnaire,  I,  no.  409;  Creizenach,  Geschichte,  II,  138. 

4Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  133;  Brunet,  Manuel,  II,  1630;  Soleinne,  Diction- 
naire, I,  no.  389. 

'Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  138;  Brunet,  Manuel,  V,  215;  Soleinne,  Diction- 
naire, I,  no.  311. 

"Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  348. 

'Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  I,  no.  502;  Brunet,  Manuel,  I,  834  and  II,  835. 
Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  134. 

8  Gesner,  Epitome,  I,  52  Vo.  Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  I,  no.  502 ;  Brunet, 
Manuel,  II,  835;  Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  137.  For  Protoplastus,  cf.  also 
Creizenach,  Geschichte,  II,  109. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  159 

1549. — Ophiletes.  Drama  Comicotragicum  argumento  ex 
P.  Matthaei  Euangelio  sumpto  by  H.  Ziegler.     Ingolstadt  (  ?).1 

First  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  (  ?). — Apollo  e  Leucotoe. 
Tragicommedia  by  Francesco  Sallustio  Buonguglielmi  of 
Florence.     Florence. 2 

1551. — Gollias.  Latin  Tragicomedy  given  b)  students  at 
the  University  of  Coimbra  (Portugal). 3 

1551. — Monomachia  Davidis  et  Goliae  Tragicicomoedia  nova 
simul  et  sacra  by  Jacobus  Schoepper.     Antwerp.4 

1552. — Tragicomedia  Ohiammata  Potentia  d'amore  by  Gero- 
theo  di  Magri  di  Mantoa.     Ferrara.8 

1553. — Regales  nuptiae  drama  comicotragicum  ex  Matth.  22. 
capite  argumento  sumpto  by  Hieronymus  Ziegler.     Augsburg.6 

1555. — Parabola  Christi  de  decern  Virginibus  in  drama  comi- 
cotragicum redacta  by  Hieronymus  Ziegler.  Ingolstadt.  Re- 
printed at  Antwerp  in  1556.7 

1556. — Adelphopolae.  Drama  comicotragicum  historiam 
Josephi,  Jacobi  filii,  complectens  by  Martinus  Balticus  of 
Munich.     Augsburg.8 

1558. — Drama  Comico-tragicum,  DanieUs  prophetae  leoni- 
bus  objecti  et  ab  angelis  Dei  rursus  liberati  historiam  com- 
plectens by  Martinus  Balticus.    Augsburg.9 

1  Gesner,  Epitome,  I,  52  vo.  Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  I,  No.  305 ;  Goedeke, 
Grundrisz,  II,  137. 

2Salvioli,  Bibliografia,  326;  Allacoi,  Drammaturgia,  97;  Crescimbeni, 
Comentarj  della   Poesia   italiana,   II,    165. 

3  Braga,  Historia  da  Universidade  de  Coimbra,  I,  559  (Lisbon,  1892)  and 
Curso  de  historia,  239;  Creizenach,  Geschichte,  II,  80. 

4Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  I,  no.  313;  Brunot,  Manuel,  V,  215;  Goedeke, 
Grundrisz,  II,  138.  Spengler  in  Zeitschrift  fur  die  osterreichischen  Gym- 
nasien,  XL,  442  seq. 

5  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Biblioteoa  Nazionale  at  Venice.  Allacci  in  his 
Drammaturgia,  640,  writes  Venice  for  Ferrara. 

8  Gesner,  Appendix,  I,  52  vo. ;  Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II.  137,  does  not  gi\r 
the  genre. 

7 Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  I,  no.  308;  Goedeke,  Grundrisz.  11,  137. 
8Goedeke,   Grundrisz,  II,   141;    Soleinne,   Dictionnaire,   I,   no   320;    Crei- 
zenach, Geschichte,  II,  115. 

9  Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  141 


160  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

1561. — La  Cangenia.  Tragicomedia  by  Beltramo  Poggi  of 
Florence.    Florence. 1 2 

1562. — Finis  Saulis  et  Coronatio  Davidis,  tragi-comoedia. 
Represented  at  Prague.3 

1563. — Exodus  sive  transitus  maris  rubri  comoedia  tragica 
by  Cornelius  Laurimanus  of  Utrecht.     Louvain. 

1566. — II  Giudizio  di  Paride.  Tragicommedia  by  Gio. 
Maria  Scotto.    Naples.5 

1566. — II  Ratto  d'Helena,  tragicommedia  by  Anello  Pau- 
lilli.6 

1567. — Tragococomoedia.  Von  dem  frommen  Konige  Dauid, 
und  seinem  auffrurischen  Sohn  Absolon  by  Bernhard  Hederich. 
Represented  at  Schwerin,  Sept.  1.  Represented  there  again  in 
1569.     Published  at  Liibeck  in  1569.7 

1567. — Damon  and  Pithias  by  Richard  Edwardes,  who  calls 
it  in  his  prologue  a  "tragical  comedy."  It  was  "entered  on  the 
registers  of  the  Stationers'  Company  in  1567  as  'a  boke  inti- 
tuled the  tragicall  comodye  of  Damonde  and  Pethyas.'  "  It  was 
printed  in  1571  and  in  1582.8 

1567. — Quintilia.  Tragicomedia  by  Diomisso  Guazzoni  of 
Cremona.     Mantua.     Reprinted  there  in  1579. 9 

1  Allacci,  Drammaturgia,  161;  Salvioli,  Bibliografia,  624;  Soleinne, 
Dictionnaire,  III,  no.  4258 ;  Riceoboni,  Eistoire,  144. 

2  L'Invenzione  della  Croce  di  Gesu  Cristo  descritta  in  versi  sciolti  e  in 
stile  comico  e  tragico  (1561)  by  Beltramo  Poggi  may  be  cited  here.  Cf. 
Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  III,  no.  4291;  Allacci,  Drammaturgia,  466;  Riceo- 
boni, Eistoire,  165. 

3  Mistere  du  Viel  Testament,  IV,   p.   xxv. 
4Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  139. 

5 Allacci,  Drammaturgia,  414;  Riceoboni,  Eistoire,  120  and  160. 

6  Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  III,  No.  4388;  Riceoboni,  Eistoire,  120;  Allacci, 
Drammaturgia,  629.    The  latter  does  not  indicate  the  genre. 

7Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  402. 

8Dodsley,  Old  Plays,  IV,  1-104;  Halliwell,  Dictionary  of  Old  English 
Plays,  70;  Greg,  List  of  English  Plays,  36;  Collier,  Eistory  of  English 
Dramatic  Poetry,  III,  3  seq. 

9 Allacci,  Drammaturgia,  654;  Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  III,  No.  4623; 
Brunet,  Manuel,  II,  1782.  There  are  copies  of  the  second  edition  at  the 
Biblioteca  Nazionale  at  Venice  and  the  Biblioteca  Ambrosiana  at  Milan. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  161 

1570. — Sedecias  by  Padre  Luiz  da  Cruz.  Represented  by 
the  Jesuits  at  Coimbra,  Portugal.1 

1570. — Josephus.     Tragicomedia  by  Padre  Luiz  da  Cruz.2 

1558-1578. — Prodigus.  Tragicomedia  by  Padre  Luiz  da 
Cruz. 2 

1571. — Naboth.  Tragicocomoedia  sacra  by  Cornelius 
Laurimanus  of  Utrecht.     Utrecht.3 

1571. — Susannae  Helchiae  filiae  tragica  comoedia  heroicit 
versibus  expressa  by  Carolus  Godranius  of  Dijon.     Dijon.4 

1573. — Ecclesia  Militans.  Tragicocomoedia  bipartita,  Chris- 
tianae  ejusdem  Catholicae  fidei  incrimentum,  persecutiones, 
haereses  et  alias  ad  supremum  usque  iudicii  diem  vicissitudines 
varias  comprehendens  by  Michael  Hiltprand,  a  Jesuit.  Dillin- 
gen,  Bavaria.5 

1575. — Gedeon.  Tragicocomoedia  sacra  by  Libertus  ab 
Hauthem  of  Tongern.     Liege.6 

1575. — A  new  Tragicall  Comedie  of  Apius  and,  Virginia  by 
R.  B.    London.    Collier  says  this  was  probably  acted  in  1563.  ' 

1575. — The  Glasse  of  Gouernement.  A  tragicall  Comedie 
by  George  Gascoigne. 8 

1576. — Inclyta  Aeneis:  P.  Virgilii  Maronis,  .poetarum 
optimi,  in  regiam  tragicocomoediam  .  .  .  redacta  by  Joannes 
Lucienbergius.     Frankf  ort-on-the-Main. 9 

1  This  is  called  a  tragicomedia  by  Braga,  Cur  so  de  historia  de  Utteratura, 
282. 

2Braga,  Historia  da  Litteratura  portugucza.  Theatro  no  Secolo  XVII, 
360. 

3  Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  I,  83,  suggests  Philippus  Moras  of  Utrecht  as 
the  author  of  this  piece.  Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  139,  assigns  the  play  to 
Laurimannus,  but  he  gives  neither  place  nor  date  of  its  publication. 

♦Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  I,  page  83,  Brunet,  II,  1640;  P.  Papillon,  Biblio- 
theque  des  auteurs  de  Bourgogne,  I,  258.  Dijon,  1745,  two  vols,  in  one. 

5 Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  140;  P.  Bahlmann,  Jeswiten-Dramm  der  nieder- 
rheinischen  Ordensprovinz,  2,  Leipzig,  1896. 

6  Goedeke,  Grundrisz,  II,  140 

7 Page  107  of  introduction  to  reprint  of  tins  play  in  Dodsley,  Old  Plays, 
IV,  105-155.     Cf.  Greg,  English  Plays,  123;  Ilalliwell,  Dictionary,  20. 

8  Greg,  English  Plays,  40;  Halliwell,  Dictionary,  109;  Collier,  English 
Dramatic  Poetry,  III,  7. 

9  Soleinne,  Dictionnaire,  I,  No.  329;   Brunet,  Manuel,  III,  1216. 


162  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

1578. — Susanna.  Comicotragoedia  by  Peder  Ienssbn  Hege- 
limd.  Copenhagen.1  Translation  of  Betulius's  play  (see  above 
under  the  year  1537). 

1581. — Susanna,  comedia  tragica.     Written  in  Portugal. 


2  3 


JBrunet,  Manuel,  VI,  920;  Mistere  du  Viel  Testament,  V,  p.  LXIX. 

•  Braga,  Historia  da  Litteratura.     Theatro  no  Secolo  XVII,  360. 

3According  to  Mistere  du  Viel  Testament  (IV,  p.  xl)  another  tragi- 
comedy is  found  in  La  Coronazione  del  re  Saul  by  Giovanmaria  Cecchi  of 
Florence,  represented  "vers  le  milieu  du  XVI  siecle."  D'Ancona,  Sac,  Rap. 
Ill,  1,  mentions  the  piece,  but  does  not  give  its  genre. 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  163 


APPENDIX  B. 

FRENCH    TRAGI-COMEDIES    FROM    1552    TO    1636. 
I. — The  Sixteenth  Century.1 

1552. — Tragique  Comedie  Frangoise  de  Vhomme  iustifie  par 
Foy.  Galat  III.  Avez-vous  receu  VEsprit  par  Irs  oeuvres  de  la 
Loy,  ou  par  la  predication  de  la  Foy?  (verses  of  10  and  8 
syllables;  5  acts)  by  Henry  de  Barran.  Geneva  (  ?).  Pub- 
lished 1554,  two  years  after  it  was  written,  as  the  author  states 
in  his  prologue.  Reprinted  1561,  according  to  La  Croix  du 
Maine.2 

1561. — Tragi-comedie.  L 'Argument  pri's  du  iroisieme 
chapitre  de  Daniel:  avec  le  cantique  des  trois  enfans,  chante  en 
la  fornaise.  Mattli.  10.  Ne  craignez  point  crux  qui  lucid  les 
corps,  etc.  (verses  of  12,  10  and  8  syllables  without  division 
into  acts  and  scenes;  chorus)  by  A.  D.  L.  C.  [Antoine  de  La 
Croix.]  Paris.  Dedicated  to  the  Queen  of  Navarre.  Called 
for  brevity  Les  Enfants  dans  la  Fournaise.3 


1  See  above,  page  36  seq. 

2  ha  Croix  du  Maine,  Bibliotheque,  363;  Beauchamps,  Recherches,  II,  26; 
Leris,  Dictionnaire  portatif,  177;  La  Vnlliere,  Bibliotheque.  I.  142;  Mouhy, 
Journal,  135  and  137;  C16ment,  Anecdotes  dramatiques,  I,  433;  Soleinne, 
Dictionnaire,  I,  Nos.  736-37;  Brunet,  Manuel,  I,  666;  Ebert,  Franz:  Tra- 
gbdie,  131;  Petit  de  Julleville,  Repertoire  du  Theatre  comique,  69;  E.  Picot, 
Bulletin  du  protestant  francais,  1892,  626  seq.;  Lanson  Revue  d'hist.  lilt.. 
X,  414. 

3  Du  Verdier,  Bibliotheque,  III,  111;  Maupoint,  Bibliotheque,  308;  Beau- 
champs,  II,  30-1;  Lens,  127;  La  Valliere,  I,  159;  Mouhy,  160;  Clement,  I. 
306;  Soleinne,  I,  156;  Brunet,  IV,  1;  Faguet,  Trag4die  frangaise,  102  s<  •/. . 
Creizenach,  Geschichte,  II,  459;  Lanson,  Revue  d'hist.  litt.,  X,  415. 


164  The    French   Tragi- Comedy : 

December,  1560  —  November,  1567.  —  Tragicomedie  La 
Gaule  (Alexandrines;  4  acts;  chorus.)  Dedicated  to  the  King 
of  France.1 

1564. — Genievre  (  ?).  Played  at  Fontainebleau,  February 
13,  by  members  of  the  court.2 

1572. — Tragicomedie  de  lob  (a  prologue  in  Alexandrines 
and  a  cantique  de  lob  in  seven-syllable  verse  are  the  only  ex- 
tant portions  of  the  play)  by  Charles  Tiraqueau  and  Scevole  de 
Sainte-Marthe.  Kepresented  July  28  and  29,  au  moustiemeuf, 
at  Poitiers.     Printed  at  Paris  1579  and  at  Poitiers  1(100/ 

1576. — Lucelle.  Tragi-comedie  en  prose  frangoise  (prose; 
5  acts)  by  Louis  Le  Jars.  Paris.  Represented  at  Rouen  in 
1600  and  1606.  Dedicated  to  M.  Anibal  de  Saint  Mesmyn 
Seigneur  du  Brueil.4 

1  It  was  written  between  Dec.  5,  1560,  the  date  of  the  accession  of  Charles 
IX  and  Nov.  10,  1567,  the  date  of  the  death  of  Anne,  due  de  Montmorency, 
conestable.  See  above,  page  43.  MS  in  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  fonds  fr. 
838;  P.  Paris,  Les  MSS  fr.  de  la  Bibliotheque  du  Roy,  VI,  416-418;  Abbe 
Migne,  Dictionnaire  des  Mysteres,  1394.  Other  writers  on  the  French  stage 
have  overlooked  this  play. 

2  The  play  is  lost.  Jacques  Madeleine  in  Quelques  Poetes  Francois  des 
XVIe  et  XVIIe  siecles,  5,  14  19,  359  seq.  (Fontainebleau.  1900)  cites  Castel- 
nau,  Ronsard,  Pere  Dan,  Marcassus,  Abel  -Touan,  Brantome,  and  Vauquelin 
to  establish  the  fact  of  its  representation.  Lanson  in  Revue  d'hist.  lit'., 
X,  200  and  423,  after  quoting  Madeleine  at  length,  writes  "cette  represen- 
tation eclatante  etait  demeuree  inconnue  des  historiens  du  theatre,  jusqu'a 
ce  que  M.  Jacques  Madeleine  en  reveillat  le  souvenir."  He  appears  to  have 
forgot  Ebert,  Franz:  Tragodie,  140,  where  Castelnau's  reference  to  the 
play  is  mentioned,  as  recently  noted  by  H.  Schlensog,  Lucelle,  2.  Strange 
to  say,  all  these  authors  have  failed  to  observe  that  Beauchamps,  Recher- 
ches,  III,  5,  refers  to  the  same  play  as  a  comedie.  after  the  representation 
of  which  Castelnau  recited  verses  before  the  King. 

3  Les  Oeuvres  de  Scevole  de  Rainte  Marthe,  ff.  I,  41b-43a  and  144a-145b, 
Paris,  1579,  2  vols;  reprinted  at  Poitiers,  1600.  Cf.  H.  Clouzot,  L'Anden 
Theatre  en  Poitou,  81-2;  Lanson,  Revue  d'hist.  litt.,  202;  Morf.  ZFSL. 
XIX,  46;  Journal  historique  de  Denis  Generoux,  notaire  a  Parthenon  (1566- 
1576),  published  by  M.  B.  Ledain,  Niort.  1865;  Le  Mistere  du  Viel  Testa- 
ment, V,  page  VIII;  Petit  de  Julleville.  Les  Mysteres,  I,  447; 

4  La  Croix  du  Maine,  II,  49;  Du  Verdier,  II,  600;  Maupoint,  90;  Beau- 
champs,  II,  45;  Freres  Parfaict,  III,  377;  Leris,  204;  La  Valliere,  I,  213; 
Mouhy,  207;  Pont-de-Vesle,  Catalogue,  21;  Clement,  I,  498;  Soleinne,  I.  No. 
795;  Brunet,  III,  952;  Morf,  ZFSL,  XIX,  50;   Faguet,    Tragedie  francaise, 


lis   Origin  and  Development.  165 

1578. — La  Celestine  fidellement  repurgee  .  .  .  par  Jacq. 
de  Lavardin,  sieur  du  Plessis  Bourrot,  tragi-comedie  jadis 
espagnole,  composee  in  reprehension  des  fols  amoureux,  etc. 
Paris.  Reprinted  there  without  date,  and  at  Rouen,  L598.  This 
was  probably  not  considered  a  dramatic  work.1 

1579. — Un  Acte  de  la  Tragicomedie  de  Tobie,  ou  sonl  repre- 
sentees les  Amours  et  les  Noces  du  Ieune  Tobie  et  de  Sarra  Fille 
<ln  Raguel  (Alexandrines;  one  act  and  fragments;  chorus)  by 
Catherine  Fradonet,  Mile  des  Roches.  Paris.  Reprinted  at 
Poitiers  1583  £.nd  Rouen  1604.  Incorporated  into  the  tragi- 
comedy on  the  same  subject  by  Iacqnes  Ouyn  (1597).  Dedi- 
cated "  a  ma  mere."2 

1580. — Iokebed  miroir  des  meres.  Tragi-C  omedie  de  Moyse, 
en  son  enfance  expose  par  sa  mere  au  fleuve  du  Nil  (prose 
except  the  cantique  de  Iokebed  in  6-syllable  verse;  5  acts)  by 
Pierre  Heyns.  Represented  at  Antwerp  by  the  disciples  of 
Heyns's  school.  Printed  in  1597  at  Harlem.  Dedicated  to 
Mile  Malapart,  femme  de  M.  Andre  van  der  Meulen,  jadis 
Depute  de  Messeigneurs  les  Estats  de  Brabant.3 

373-81 ;  Pierre  Toldo,  Revue  d'hist.  lift.,  V,  579-84;  Hugo  Schlensog, 
Lucelle.  The  latter  compares  the  first  and  third  editions  with  the  rework- 
ing in  verse  by  Duhamel  (1007.)  Though  he  knows  that  Toldo  (p.  579) 
refers  to  the  second  edition  (Rouen.  1000;  catalogued  Y  Fh,  10300,  in 
Bibliotheque  Nationale),  "der  aber  wolil  mit  dem  von  1000  identisch  sein 
diirfte"   (Schlensog.  Lucelle,  0),  he  does  not  seem  to  have  examined  it. 

'  Brunet,  I,  1721  and  Supp.  I,  230.  Magnin,  Journal  des  Savants, 
April,  1843,  p.  200. 

2  Les  oeuvres  de  Mes-dam.es  des  Roches  de  Poictiers  mar  ,i  /ill,-  seconde 
Edition  corrigee  et  augmentce  de  la  Tragi-come'die  de  Tobie  et  autres 
oeuvres  poetiques.  The  dedication  indicates  that  the  play  is  the  work  of 
the  daughter,  a  fact  that  has  been  overlooked  by  La  Valliere.  Beauchamps, 
II,  42;  Lens,  325;  Mouhy,  224  and  34;  Soleinne,  T,  Nos.  787  and  789; 
Brunet,  IV,  1342;  Faguet,  Trag4die  francaA&e,  323-25;  L<  MisteWe  <ht  Viel 
Testament,  V,  page  xviii. 

^Comedies  et  Tragedies  du  Laurier,  Earlem,  1597;  Beauchamps,  II,  66; 
Leris,  226;  La  Valliere,  I,  243  aeq.;  Mouhy,  316,  320;  Pont-de-Vesle,  24; 
Clement,  IT,  410;  Soleinne,  1,  No.  817;  Brunet,  III,  151-52;  Lanson. 
Revue  d'hist.  litt.,  X,  206.  Brunet  shows,  as  cited,  that  La  Valliere  and 
those  who  have  followed  him  are  mistaken  in  stating  that  the  work  was 
published  at  Amsterdam. 


166  The  Freneh  Tragi- Comedy: 

1582. — Bradamante.  Tragecomedie  (Alexandrines;  5  acts) 
by  Robert  Gamier.  Paris.  Reprinted  there  1585  and  three 
times  in  1599  ;  in  1588  and  1589  at  Toulouse;  1592,  1595,  1597 
and  1600  at  Lyons  ;  1592  at  Antwerp  ;  1596  and  1599  at  Rouen  ; 
1598  at  Niort.  Thirty-two  editions  in  the  seventeenth  century. 
Reprinted  by  V\T.  Foerster,  Heilbronn,  1883.1 

1584. — L'Ombre  de  Gamier  Stoffacher,  Suisse.  Tragico- 
medie.  Sur  V alliance  perpetuelle  de  la  Cite  de  Geneue  auec  les 
deux  premiers  et  puissans  Cantons  Zurich  et  Berne  (Alexan- 
drines ;  3  acts ;  chorus)  by  Jos.  Du  Ch.  S.  de  la  Viol.  ( Josephe 
Du  Chesne,  Sienr  de  la  Violette.)  Geneva.  Dedicated  to 
Charles  Raron  de  Zerotin,  Seigneur  de  Namescht,  etc.  Repre- 
sented at  Geneva,  Oct,  18,  1584.2 

1858. — Tragi -comedie  en  laquelle  figure  I'histoire  des  deux 
grieves  tentations  desquelles  le  patriarche  Abraham  a  He  exerce 
by  Jean  Georges  maitre  d'ecole  de  Saint  Julien.  Represented 
by  school  children  at  Montbeliard  sur  la  place  des  Halles.  Given 
again  in  1609.3 

1592. 4 — Les  Arengles.  Trigicomoedie  d'Epicure  Napolitain 
d'ltalienne  faicte  frangoise  .  .  .  avec  une  tres-belle  plaincte  du 

^laupoint,  59;  Beauchamps,  II,  40;  Freres  Parfaict,  III,  454  seq.;  Lei-is. 
65;  La  Valliere.  I,  189  and  199;  Mouhy,  255;  Soleinne,  I,  No.  772  seq.; 
Brunet,  II,  1490;  Ebert,  Franz:  Tragodie,  169-78;  Faguet,  Tragedie  fran- 
caise,  212-36;  Rigal  in  P.  de  Julleville's  Histoire  de  la  langue  et  de  la  litt. 
fr.,  Ill,  312-15.  F.  Pasini,  La  Bradamante  di  Roberto  Gamier  e  la  sua 
fonte  ariostesca,  Annuario  degli  studenti  trentini,  1901,  122  seq. ;  Th.  Roth. 
Der  Einfluss  von  Ariost's  Orlando  Furioso,  104-131.  For  the  represent.! 
tion  in  1611  and  at  other  times,  cf.  Rigal,  Alexandre  Hardy,  93.  Foer- 
ster's  edition  appeared  in  Sammlung  Fromzosiseher  \eudi  ucke,  VI,  Heil- 
bronn, 1882-83,  published  by  Karl  Vollmoller;  cf.  also  ibidem.  III,  pp. 
xiv-xviii. 

2  La  Valliere,  I,  255;  Pont-de-Vesle.  22;  Soleinne.  T.  Xo.  823;  Brunet, 
TI.  855;  Lanson,  Revue  d'hist.  litt.,  X,  209. 

3Lanson,  Revue  d'hist.  litt..  X.  211  and  222. 

4  This  year  at  Bordeaux :  "Valleran  joue  <l<'s  tragedies,  tragicomedies  et 
farces.  II  y  a  line  femme  dans  la  troupe;  elle  ne  joue  pas  la  farce."  Chron- 
de  J.  de  Gaufreteau,  I,  306,  cited  by  Lanson,  Revue  d'hist.  litt.,  X,  211. 
Thist  note  indicates  that  even  in  the  sixteenth  century  the  tragi  comedy 
was  more  closely  allied  to  the  tragedy  than  to  the  farce. 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  167 

jaloux  et  de  plus  le  recouvrement  de  leur  veiie  (prose,  without 
division  into  acts  or  scenes)  by  II.  D.  J.  (Roland  <lu  Jardin.) 
Tours.1  2 

1595. — Le  Desespere,  tragicomedie  pour  exemplaire  d'obeis- 
sauce,  poeme  ties  remarquable  aux  peres  et  enfans  de  famille 
(Alexandrines,  divided  into  acts)  by  Benoet  Du  Lac  (anagram 
for  Claude  Bonet).  Represented  at  Aix-en-Provence.  Printed 
there,  1615.  3 

1595. — Caresme  prenani,  tragicomedie  facetieuse  en  laquelle 
il  y  a  un  coq  a  Vasne  a  quatre  langues  touchant  plusieurs  (thus 
de  ce  temps  (eight-syllable  verses;  5  acts)  by  Benoet  Du  Lac. 
Represented  at  Aix-en-Provence.     Printed  there,  1615.3 

1597. — T/tobie.  Tragi-Comedie  nouuelle.  Tiree  de  la  8. 
Bible  (Alexandrines;  5  acts)  by  Iacques  Ouyn  Louerien  ex- 
cept the  fourth  act  and  four  pages  of  the  fifth,  which  were  com- 
posed by  Mile  des  Roches.  Dedicated  to  Mine  du  Roulet. 
Privilege,  Feb.  4,  1597.     Printed  at  Rouen,  1606.4 

1597. — La  Polyxene.  Tragicomoedie  nouvellement  repre- 
sentee au  College  des  Bons  Enfans,  le  Dimanche  7  de  seplcm- 
bre,  1597.  (Alexandrines;  five  acts;  chorus)  by  lean  Behourt. 
Printed  at  Rouen,  1598.     Dedicated  to  Madame  de  Montpen- 


JBeauehamps,  II,  62;  Leris,  II,  3i.<);  Clement,  II,  319;  Soleinne,  IIT.  No. 
4132. 

2  The  first  example  of  an  allied  genre  occurs  (1594)  in  Tragecomedie 
pastoralle  ou  Mylas  by  Claude  de  Bassecourt,  an  imitation  of  Tasso's 
Aminta.  See  Claude  de  Bassecourt,  Trage-eomedie  pastorale  et  autres 
pieces,  Antwerp,  1594. 

3A.  Joly,  Note  sur  Benoet  Du  Lac,  Lyon,  1862;  Petit  de  Julleville, 
Repertoire,  43,  53,  and  400-01. 

4  Direrses  tragedies  sainctes  de  plusieurs  auteurs  de  ce  temps.  Recueillies 
par  Raphael  du  Petit  Val,  Rouen,  1606;  Maupoint,  303;  Beaucliamps.  11. 
75;  Freres  Parfaict,  III,  533;  Leris.  325;  La  Valliere,  T,  315-16;  Mouliy. 
320;  Pont-de-Vesle,  26;  Soleinne,  T.  Nos.  863  and  879;  Brunet,  IV,  302; 
Faguet,  Tragedie  fr.,  323-25;   Mistcre  du  Viel  Testament,  V,  page  x\. 

5Beauchamps,  II,  69;  Freres  Parfaict,  III,  530;  Leris,  269;  La  N'alli.r.v 
I,  317-18;  Mouhy,  321;  Pont-de-Vesle,  24;  Clement.  II,  87;  Soleinne.  1, 
864;  Brunet,  I,  736. 


168  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

1597. — La  Nouvelle  tragicomique  (Alexandrines,  without 
divisions  into  acts  or  scenes)  by  Captain  Lasphrise,  [Marc  de 
Papillon.]     Paris.     Reprinted  there  in  1599  and  in  1855. l 

1599. — Amour  Vaincu,  tragecomedie.  Representee  deuant 
tres-illustre  Prince  Henry  de  Bourbon,  due  de  Montpensier,  etc. 
Et  tres-excellente  Princesse  Catherine  de  Joyeuse,  le  10,  Sep- 
tembre,  1599,  en  leur  chasteau  de  Myrebeau  et  dediee  a  leurs 
Grandeurs  par  Jacques  de  la  fons  natif  dudit  Myrebeau  Aduocat 
en  Parlement,   (verse;  5  acts.).  Poitiers.2 

II.  The  Seventeenth  Century  to  Rotrou  (1628). 

1593-1601. — Les  Chastes  et  Loyales  Amours  de  Theagene  et 
Cariclee.  Eeduites  du  Grec  de  VHistoire  d'Heliodore,  en  huit 
Poemes  Dramatiques,  ou  [sicl]  de  Theatre  consecutifs  (Alex- 
andrines; eight  journees  of  5  acts  each)  by  Alexandre  Hardy. 
Published  at  Paris  in  1623  and  1628.  Dedicated  to  monsieur 
Payen,  Sieur  de  Landes.  Called  tragi-comedie  in  the  title  of 
the  individual  journees.3 

1593-1624. — Procris,  ou  La  Jalousie  Infortunee.  Tragi-co- 
medie (Alexandrines;  5  acts)  by  Alexandre  Hardy.  Published 
at  Paris  in  1624  and  1626  ;  at  Frankfort  in  1625  ;  at  Paris  and 
Marburg  in  1884.  Dedicated  with  other  plays  to  the  due  de 
Montmorancy  [sic].4 

1593-1624. — Alceste  ou  La  Fidelite,  Tragi-comedie  (Alexan- 

lLes  premieres  oeuvres  poetiques  du  Capitaine  Lasphrise,  Paris,  1597 
and  1599;  Beauchamps,  II,  70;  Leris,  241;  La  Valliere.  I,  322;  Mouhy, 
319;  Pont-de-Vesle,  24;  Clement,  II,  438;  Soleinne,  I,  No.  870;  Brunet, 
III,  863  and  Supp.,  I,  790  seq.;  Sainte-Beuve ;  Tableau,  234;  Viollet  Le  Due 
in  Bibliotheque  Elze'virienne,  Ancien  Theatre  francois,  VII,  463-91.  Paris, 
1855. 

2 Mouhy,  331;  Soleinne,  I,  No.  869;  Brunet,  III,  746;  Clouzot,  Ancien 
theatre  en  Poitou,  90. 

3  For  a  full  account  of  Hardy,  his  works  and  their  dates,  see  Rigal. 
Alexandre  Hardy,  a  treatise  that  lias  superseded  all  previous  works  on 
the  subject,  for  this  play  ibidem,  435-42;  Lombard,  ZFXL  I,  395-97; 
La  Valliere,  I,  334-37. 

*La  Valliere,  I,  338-39;  Stengel,  Theatre  d' Alexandre  Hardy.  I,  172-203; 
Lombard,  I,  348;  Rigal,  Alexandre  Hardy,  401-04. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  169 

drines ;  5  acts)  by  Alexandre  Hardy.  Published  and  dedicated 
with  the  preceding.1 

1593-1624. — Ariadne  Rauie,  Tragi-comedie  (Alexandrines; 
5  acts)  by  Alexandre  Hardy.  Published  and  dedicated  with 
the  preceding.  2 

1593-1625. — Arsacome,  Tragi-comedie  (Alexandrines;  5 
acts)  by  Alexandre  Hardy.  Published  at  Paris  in  1625  and 
1632 ;  at  Paris  and  Marburg  in  1884.3 

1601. — L'Aymee,  jeu  tragecomique  (verses  of  6,  8,  10  and  12 
syllables;  5  acts)  by  Andre  Mage,  Sieur  de  Fiefmelin.  Repre- 
sented after  a  banquet.  Published  at  Poitiers.  Republished 
without  place  or  date.  Dedicated  to  Anne  de  Pons,  comtesse  de 
Marennes  et  baronne  d'Oleron.4 

1601. — L 'Amour  Divin  tragecomedie.  Contenant  un  href 
discours  des  Saincts  et  sacres  mysteres  de  la  Redemption  de 
Vhumaine  nature  (Alexandrines;  5  acts)  by  lean  Gaulche. 
Troves.     Dedicated  to  Jean  Angenoust,  seigneur  d'  Auan.5 

1604.- — Le  Miror  de  L'union  Belgique  .  .  .  en  forme  de 
Tragi-comedie  (Alexandrines;  5  acts)  by  Anthoine  Lancel. 
Place  not  given.  Dedicated  to  the  Estats  generaux  des  Pro- 
vinces Unies  du  Pays  Bas.6 

1604. — Iacoh.  Histoire  Sacree  en  forme  de  Tragi-comedie 
retiree  des  sacres  feuillets  de  la  Bible,  du  commaudement  de  la 

*La  Valliere,  I,  339-40;  Stengel,  I,  204-238;  Lombard,  I,  349;  Rigal, 
Alexandre  Hardy,  404-07. 

2La  Valliere,  I,  340;  Stengel,  I,  239-70;  Lombard,  I,  350;  Rigal,  408-11. 

3  La  Valliere,  I,  342;  Stengel,  II,  141-84;  Lombard,  I,  353;  Rigal,  445-51. 

4 Les  oeuvres  du  sieur  de  Fiefmelin,  Poitiers,  1601;  La  Polymnie  or 
diverse  poesie  d'  A.  M.  >S'.  de  F.  Poitiers;  Pont-de-Vesle  25;  Soleinne,  I,  nos. 
886  and  887;  Brunet,  II,  1247;  Clouzot,  Ancien  theatre  en  Poitou,  94; 
Lanson,  Revue  d'  hist,  litt.,  X,  215-16.  For  a  careful  analysis  of  this  play, 
I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  and  erudition  of  M.  E.  Ginot,  librarian  of 
Poitiers. 

5Also  in  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  MS.  jr.  9306.  Beauchamps,  II,  72; 
Lens,  224;  La  Valliere,  I,  358;  Mouhy,  354;  ('lenient,  II,  298;  Soleinne.  1. 
p.  227;  Sainte-Beuve,  Tableaux,  245-40;   Brunet,  II,  1503. 

6  Also  in  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  ms.  fr.  9305.  Beauchamps,  II,  73; 
Lens,  225;  La  Valliere,  I,  364;  Clement,  II,  432;  Soleinne,  I,  p,  227; 
Brunet,  III,  805. 


170  The  French   Tragi- Comedy: 

Royne  Marguerite  Duchesse  de  Valois  (Alexandrines  and  prose  ; 
5  acts;  chorus)  by  Anthoine  de  la  Puiade.  Bordeaux.  Dedi- 
cated to  M.  Dusault,  conseiller  du  Roy.1 

1605. — Tragi-comedie  de  8.  Etienne,  premier  roy  chrestien 
de  Hongrie,  estoc  paternal  de  la  tres-noble  et  ancienne  maison 
de  Croy.  Represented  by  students  of  the  Jesuit  college  a  Mons 
en  Henault,  Dec.  20.     Published  at  Mons,  1605.2 

1607. — Lucelle,  tragicomedie,  mise  en  vers  frangois  (Alex- 
andrines; 5  acts)  by  Jacques  Duhamel.  Rouen.  This  is  a  re- 
working of  Lucelle  by  Louis  Le  Jars.3 

1609. — L'Ethiopique.  Tragi-comedie  des  Chastes  Amours 
de  Theagene  et  Chariclee  (Alexandrines;  5  acts;  chorus)  by 
Octave-Cesar  Genetay,  sieur  de  la  Gilleberdiere.     Rouen.4 

1609. — L'Innocence  Descouverte,  Tragi-comedie  (Alexan- 
drines; 5  acts)  by  lean  Auvray.  Rouen.  Reprinted  there 
in  1628.     First  published  as  Marfilie  or  Marfille.5 

1  La  Mariade,  d' Anthoine  de  la  Puiade,  85-221,  Bordeaux,  1605.  Soleinne, 
I,  No.  896;  Brunet,  III,  838;  Mistere  du  Viel  Testament  II  p.  xxxiii; 
Lanson,  Revue  d'hist.  litt.,  X,  220. 

2Faber,  Theatre  franQdis  en  Belgique,  I,  40  and  IV,  340. 

a Freres  Parfaict,  IV,  63;  Leris,  204;  La  Valliere,  I,  280;  Mouhy,  358; 
Pont-de-Vesle,  21;  Clement,  I,  498;  Soleinne  I,  No.  844;  Brunet,  III,  952; 
Schlensog,  Lucelle. 

^Beauchamps,  II,  77;  Freres  Parfaict,  IV,  124;  Leris,  133;  Mouhy,  385; 
Pont-de-Vesle,  28;  Clement,  I,  326;  Soleinne,  I,  No.  925;  Brunet,  II,  1532. 

bLe  Banquet  des  Muses  .  .  .  du  Sieur  Auvray,  Rouen,  1628;  Maupoint, 
176;  Beauchamps,  II  82;  Freres  Parfaict,  IV,  414;  Leris,  190;  La  Valliere. 
I,  425;  Mouhy.  391;  Clement,  I,  450;  Soleinne,  I,  No.  941;  Brunet,  I,  575-76; 
Beauchamps  and  La  Valliere  state  that  this  play  was  first  published  in 
1609,  without  place.  Brunet  posits  the  edition  of  1609  as  brought  out  at 
Rouen,  Chez  J.  Petit  ml 2.  Now,  Soleinne  mentions  a  play  by  the  same 
author,  published  at  Paris,  1609,  12mo,  and  called  Marfille.  It  seems  strange 
that  Auvray,  at  the  age  of  nineteen,  would  publish  two  plays  in  the  same 
year.  Moreover  the  heroine  of  L'Innocence  Descouverte  is  named  Mar- 
filie, and  it  is  a  very  common  practice  to  name  a  tragi-comedy  after  the 
heroine.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  the  two  plays  are  the  same  and  that 
Marfille  should  be  written  Marfilie.  This  explains  why  Marfilie  is  known 
to  no  other  Bibliographer  than  Soleinne.  The  early  date  of  the  play  also 
explains  its  vulgarity,  which  is  absent  from  the  author's  later  tragi-come- 
dies.  As  the  author  was  a  native  of  Rouen,  it  is  probable  that  Brunet 
is  correct  in  stating  that  the  play  was  published  there. 


Its  Origin  and  Development  171 

1609. — Tragicomedie  intittulee  Jacob  ou  Antidolatrie.  Tiree 
de  la  Saincte  Escripture  et  des  escriptz  de  Sainctz  Peres.  Rep- 
resented at  Brussels,  Sept.  14,  by  la  Jeunesse  du  College  of  the 
Jesuits.     Published  at  Brussels  in  1609. * 

1610. — Genevre  tragecomedie  (Alexandrines;  5  acts;  cho- 
rus) by  Claude  Billard,  Seigneur  de  Courgenay,  Bourbonnois. 
Paris.     Republished  there  in  1612. 2 

1610-1628. — Elmire  ou  L' 1 1  cure  use  Bigamie,  Tragi-  comedie 
(Alexandrines;  5  acts)  by  Alexandre  Hardy.  Published  at 
Paris  in  1628;  at  Paris  and  Marburg  in  1884.  Dedicated  to 
Monseigneur  de  Liancourt,  marquis  de  Montford,  etc.3 

1610  (  ?)-1622  (  ?). — T  ragi-C  omedie  de  la  rebellion  ou  mes- 
contentment  des  Grenouilles  contre  Jupiter  (Alexandrines;  4 
acts).     Rouen.4 

1610  ( ?)-1622  (  ?). — Tragi-comedie  plaisante  et  facecieuse 
intitulee  La  Subtilite  de  Fanfreluche  et  Gaudiclwn  et  comme 
il  jut  emporte  par  le  Diable  (verse;  5  acts.)  Rouen.  Repub- 
lished at  Paris,  1829-30.4 

1610  (  ?)-1622  (  ?). — Tragi-comedie  des  Enfans  de  Turlupin 
malheureux  de  nature,  ou  Von  void  les  fortunes  dudit  Turlupin, 
le  mariage  d'entre  lay  et  la  Boulonnoise,  et  autres  mille  plats- 
antes  ioyeusetez  qui  trompent  la  morne  Oisivete  (verses  of  ten 
syllables;  4  acts.)     Rouen.     Republished  at  Paris,  1829-30. 4 


1  Faber,  IV,  337. 

2Trag6dies  frangoises  de  Claude  Rilhnd,  163,  seq.,  Paris,  1610;  ibidem, 
1612;  Maupoint,  151;  Beauchamps,  U,  84;  Frferes  Parfaict,  IV,  129;  Lgris, 
164;  Mouhy,  396;  Clement,  II,  405;  Soleinne,  I,  Nos.  917  and  918;  Brunet, 
I,  945;  Th.  Roth,  Einfluss  von  Ariost's  Orlando  Furioso,  206-11,  giving  a 
detailed  analysis.  Brunet  dates  this  play  1609,  which  is  incorrect,  as  the 
published  copy  gives  Feb.  27,  1610  and  March  9,  1610  as  the  respective 
dates  of  the  privilege  and  the  completion  of  the  printing. 

3  La  Valliere,  1.  348;  Stengel.  V,  66-109;  Lombard,  1,  362;  Rigal, 
Alexandre  Hardy,  488-94. 

4 The  three  plays  were  published,  without  date  or  name  of  author,  at 
Rouen,  chez  Abraham  Cousturier,  from  whose  press  works  were  printed  as 
early  as  Diseours  faeetieux,  1558  (cf.  Soleinne,  I,  p.  88)  and  as  late  as 
Tragedie  de  Suzanne,  1614   (Cf.  Soleinne,  I,  p.  227.)     Beauchamps,  II,  92-3, 


172  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

1613. — Tragicomoedie  en  trois  actes  dans  laquelle  on  traitait 
de  la  Purification  du  temple  de  Jerusalem  apres  la  profanation 
faite  par  Antiochus.  Represented  Sept.  22,  at  Valenciennes  by 
les  Ecoliers  des  Jesuites.1 

1613. — Clotilde  trage-comedie  (Alexandrines;  5  acts;  a  non- 
lyric  chorus)  by  lean  Preuost.  Poitiers.  Probably  acted  at 
Saint-Leonard  de  Limousin.  Dedicated  to  Leonard  de  Chaste- 
nel,  baron  de  Murat.2 

lQ14:.—Z6anthropie,  ou  Vie  de  V Homme,  Tragico-medie 
[sic]  morale  (Alexandrines;  5  acts)  by  Francois  Auffray,  Gen- 
tilhomme  Breton.  Paris.  Reprinted  at  Paris  and  Rouen, 
1615.     Dedicated  to  France.3 


dates  the  three  plays  about  1622;  Leris,  328,  dates  the  first  about  1622,  the 
third  about  1620,  assigning  the  authorship  of  the  latter  to  Ville-Toustin; 
La  Valliere,  I,  453,  mentions  the  first  play  without  date,  treating  it  with 
plays  of  the  year  1613;  Mouhy,  497-98,  dates  the  first  two  1622;  Clement, 
II,  458,  dates  the  first  1622,  and  the  others  1620,  following  Leris  in  assign- 
ing the  last  to  Ville-Toustin ;  Soleinne,  I,  Nos.  960,  996,  and  519,  and  Brunet, 
V,  912,  do  not  date;  Migne,  Dictionnaire  des  Mysteres,  1347,  1387,  1453, 
1555,  assigns  the  last  two  to  the  sixteenth  century.  The  last  two  were 
republished  by  Montaran,  Recueil  de  livrets  singuliers  et  rares,  Paris,  1829- 
30.  The  En  fans  de  Turlupin,  at  least,  could  scarcely  have  been  written 
earlier  than  1610,  and  probably  has  a  later  date,  for  Turlupin  was  the  sobri- 
quet  of  Henri  Legrand  (1587-1636,  cf.  A.  Jal.  Dictionnaire,  article  on  Le- 
grand),  who  was  too  young  before  about  1610  to  have  a  play  named  for 
him.  His  name  is  found  in  the  title  of  Hardy's  Folies  de  Turlupin,  a  lost 
play  of  unknown  date,  and  in  the  dramatis  personae  of  Farce  plaisatite  et 
recreative,  a  piece  attached  to  a  tragedy  of  1617  (La  Valliere,  I,  473.) 
From  these  considerations  the  dates  1610-1622  have  been  assigned  to  all 
three  plays,  as  they  are  associated  by  their  common  publisher  and  by  their 
bibliographers. 

'The  play  is  lost.  Heeart,  Kecherches  sur  les  Theatres  de  Valenciennes, 
5,  Paris,  1816. 

2  Les  Tragedies  et  autres  oeuvres  poetiques  de  lean  Preuost,  Poitiers, 
1614;  Beauchamps,  II,  88;  Leris,  83;  Pont-de-Vesle,  29;  Clement  I,  211; 
Soleinne,  I,  No.  963;  Brunet,  IV,  867  and  Supp,  II,  296;  Lanson  Revue 
d'hist.  lift.,  X,  224. 

3  Beauchamps,  II,  88;  Leris,  348;  La  Valliere,  I,  458;  Mouhy,  435;  Pont- 
de-Vesle,  29;  Clement,  II,  486;  Soleinne,  I,  No.  966  and  I  Supp.,  173; 
Brunet,  I,  553-4;   Lanson,  Revue  d'hist.  litt.,  X,  225. 


Its   Origin  and  Development.  173 

1614. — L'Ephesienne,  Tragi-C  omedie  (Alexandrines;  5  acts; 
chorus)  by  Pierre  Brinon.     Rouen.1 

1614-1625. — Cornelie,  Tragi-comedie  (Alexandrines;  5 
acts)  by  Alexandre  Hardy.  Published  at  Paris  in  1625  and 
1632;  Paris  and  Marburg  in  1884.2 

1615-1625. — La  Force  du  Sang,  Tragi-comedie  (Alexan- 
drines; 5  acts)  by  Alexandre  Hardy.  Published  at  Paris  in 
1625 ;  Paris  and  Marburg  in  1884.  Dedicated  with  other  plays 
to  Monseigneur  le  Premier.'' 

1615  (  ?)-1625. — Felismene,  Tragi-comedie  (Alexandrines; 
5  acts)  by  Alexandre  Hardy.  Published  and  dedicated  with 
the  preceding. 4 

1615-1628. — La  Belle  Egyptienne,  Tragi-comedie  (Alexan- 
drines ;  5  acts)  by  Alexandre  Hardy.  Published  and  dedicated 
with  Elmire.3 

1616. — Tragicomedie  de  VEmpereur  Henry  et  Kunegonde, 
representee  par  les  estudians  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus  a 
Malines,  July  15.     Published  at  Antwerp,  1616. 6 

1617. — Les  Heureuses  Infortunes,  Trage-comedie  (Alexan- 
drines; two  parts  of  5  acts  each)  by  Bernier  de  la  Brousse. 
Poitiers.     Privilege,  Oct.  16.     Printed  1618.7 

1Beauchamps,  II,  86;  Freres  Parfaict,  IV,  188;  Lens,  128;  Mouhy,  436; 
Pont-de-Vesle,  29;  Clement,  I,  308;  Soleinne,  I,  No.  962;  Brunei,  I,  1261. 
The  privilege  of  July  1,  1614,  speaks  of  "deux  Tragedies,  Tune  intitule> 
Baptiste,  ou  la  Calomnie  traduite  de  Buchanan  et  l'autre  l'Ephesienne." 
From  a  careless  reading  of  this  passage,  L'Ephesienne  has  been  listed  in 
the  new  catalogue  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  as  a  translation  from  the 
Latin  of  Buchanan,  although  Buchanan  never  wrote  a  work  on  this  subject 
and  although   Brinon  gives  Petronius   as  his  source. 

2  La  Valliere,  I,  342;  Stengel,  II,  92-140;  Lombard,  I,  352;  Rigal, 
Alexandre   Hardy,   474-77. 

3  La  Valliere,  I,  344;  Stengel,  III,  63-106;  Lombard,  I,  359-61;  Rigal, 
Alexandre  Hardy.  474-77. 

*La  Valliere,  I.  345-46;  Sainte-Beuve,  Tableau,  240-42;  Stengei  III. 
143-87;   Lombard,  I.  361-62;   Rigal.  Alexandre  Hardy.  477-81. 

5See  above,  under  the  year  1610.  La  Valliere,  I,  348;  Stengel,  V,  110-59; 
Lombard,  I,  363;  Rigal,  Alexandre  Hardy,  494-98. 

fiFaber,  I,  40  and  IV,  340. 

''Les  Oeuvres  Poetiques  du  Sieur  Bernier  de  la  Brousse,  Poitiers,  1618; 
Maupoint,  161;  Beauchamps,  II,  89;  Freres  Parfaict,  IV,  171;   Lens,  174; 


174  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

1618. — Daphnis,  celebrant  V Ascension  du  Christ,  tragi- 
comedie  du  professeur  de  rhetorique  D.  Candide  Postrolumna. 
Played,  with  musical  accompaniment,  before  Saint  Francois 
de  Sales,  May  27. ! 

1618. — Aretaphile,  Tragi-comedie  (Alexandrines;  5  acts)  by 
Pierre  Du  Ryer.  Acted  at  the  Hotel  de  Bourgogne,  but  not 
printed.  2 

1619. — Tragi-Comedie  tres  celebre  des  inimitablcs  amours  du 
Seigneur  Alexandre  et  d' Annette  (verses  of  8  syllables;  5  acts.) 
Troyes,  1619  and  1628.  Soleinne  states  that  there  was  an  earl- 
ier edition  of  unknown  date.3 

1619. — Tragecomedie  sur  Les  Amours  de  Philandre  et  de 
Marisee  Alexandrines ;  5  acts ;  chorus)  by  Gilbert  Giboin. 
Lyon.    Dedicated  to  Honore  d'Urfe.4 

1619-1625. — Dorise.  Tragi-comedie  (Alexandrines;  5  acts) 
by  Alexandre  Hardy.  Published  and  dedicated  with  La  Force 
du  Sang.5 

1621-1626. — Fregonde  ou  Le  Chaste  Amour,  Tragi-comedie 
(Alexandrines;  5  acts)  by  Alexandre  Hardy.  Published  at 
Rouen,  1626.    Dedicated  to  Monseigneur  le  Prince? 

1621  ( ?)-1626. — Gesippe  ou  Les  Deux  Amis,  Tragi-comedie 

La  Valliere,  I,  477;  Mouhy,  471;  Pont-de-Vesle,  29;  Clement,  I,  427; 
Soleinne,  I,  No.  1001  and  I,  Supp.,  No.  184;  Brunet,  I  802;  Clouzot, 
Ancien  Theatre,   130. 

xFr.  Mugnier,  Theatre  en  Savoie,  85. 

2  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  ms.  fr.,  25496;  Mahelot,  Memoire,  fols.  35  vo 
and  36;  Maupoint,  32;  Beauchamps,  II,  109;  Leris,  36;  La  Valliere,  I,  495 
and  497;  Mouhy,  473;  Clement,  I,  87;  Soleinne,  I,  1003;  Philipp,  Pierre 
Du  Ryers  Leben,  18.  The  last  writer  merely  translates  La  Valliere's  analy- 
sis of  the  play. 

3Beauchamps,  II,  91;  La  Valliere,  I,  525-26;  Clement,  V,  303;  Soleinne,  I, 
No.  1009;  Brunet,  V,  913. 

4  Beauchamps,  II,  91;  Leris,  28;  La  Valliere,  I,  524;  Mouhy,  475; 
Clement,  I,  68;   Soleinne,  I,  No.  1008;   Brunet,  II,   1587. 

5  See  above,  year  1615;  La  Valliere,  I,  346;  Stengel,  III,  188-226; 
Lombard,  I,  362;  Rigal,  Alexandre  Hardy,  481-83. 

fiLa  Valliere,  I,  351;  Stengel,  IV,  126-64;  Lombard,  I,  363-64;  Rigal, 
Alexandre  Hardy,  483-88. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  175 

(Alexandrines;  5  acts)  by  Alexandre  Hardy.  Published  and 
dedicated  with  the  preceding.1 

1621  ( ?)-1626. — Phraarte  on  Le  Triomphe  des  Vrays 
Amans,  Tragi-comedie  (Alexandrines;  5  acts)  by  Alexandre 
Hardy.     Published  and  dedicated  with  the  preceding.2 

1622.-T— La  tres-saincte  et  admirable  vie  de  Madame  Saincte 
Aldegonde,  patronne  de  Maubenge,  tragicomedie,  by  Denis 
Copp"ee.     Liege.3 

1622. — Tragicomedie.  Sainct  Ignace  de  Lo'iola,  premier 
Auiheur  et  fondateur  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus.  Faicte  a  I'hon- 
neur  de  sa  glorieuse  canonization.  Laquelle  sera  representee 
par  les  E scolders  du  College  de  la  Societe  de  Jesus  a  Cassel  le  27 
de  Mai.     Published  at  Ipre,  1622.4 

1622. — Clitophon,  Tragi-comedie  (Alexandrines;  5  acts)  by 
Pierre  Du  Ryer.  Acted  at  the  Hotel  de  Bourgogne,  but  not 
printed.5 

*La  Valliere,  I,  351-52;  Stengel,  IV,  165-207;  Lombard,  I,  364;  Rigal, 
Alexandre  Hardy,  458-66. 

2  La  Valliere,  I,  352-53;  Stengel.  IV,  208-5S;  Lombard,  I,  364-66;  Rigal, 
Alexandre  Hardy,  467-72. 

3  Faber,  IV,  267. 
'Faber,  IV,  338. 

6Bibliotheque  Nationale,  ms.  fr.  25,  496;  Mahelot,  Memoire,  fols.  47  Vo 
and  48;  Ouverture  des  jours  gras,  published  by  Ed.  Fournier,  Varietes  his- 
toriques,  II,  345-55;  Maupoint,  75;  Beauchamps,  II,  109;  Leris,  82;  La  Val- 
liere, I,  498-501;  Mouhy,  494;  Pont-de-Vesle,  36;  Clement,  I,  210;  Soleinne, 
I,  No.  1003;  Philipp,  Pierre  Du  Ryers  Leben,  18;  Stiefel,  Nachahmung  ital- 
ienischer  Dramen,  I,  259-60.  All  of  these  authors  but  Soleinne  call  the  play 
Clitophon  et  Leucippe,  the  title  of  the  Greek  source  of  the  play,  but  not  of 
the  play  itself,  which  is  called  Clitophon  in  the  manuscript  and  in  seven- 
teentl -century  documents  that  refer  to  it.  Du  Ryer,  furthermore,  wrote  the 
heroine's  name  Lucippe,  indicating  the  letter  u  both  by  the  ordinary  symbol 
and  by  an  unusual  symbol,  which  he  certainly  means  for  u,  for  he  employs 
it  in  words  where  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  its  meaning,  but  which  has  been 
read  eu  by  dramatic  bibliographers  under  the  influence  of  the  Greek  name, 
ordinarily  transliterated,  Leucippe.  The  date  of  the  play  is  uncertain,  as 
the  manuscript  gives  1632  and,  at  the  same  time,  calls  it  the  "seconde  piece 
de  M.  Du  Ryer,"  who  published  Argents  et  Poliarque  in  1030  and  Argents 
in  1631.  One  of  the  statements  in  the  manuscript  is,  therefore,  incorrect. 
The  facts,  that  Du  Ryer  published  another  play  in  1632;  that  no  play  of 
his,  unless  it  be  Clitophon,  appeared  between  1618  and  1630;  and  that  Cli- 


176  The  French   Tragi- Comedy : 

1624. — Pasithee.  Tragicomedie  (Alexandrines ;  5  acts)  by  P. 
Troterel  sieur  d'Aves.  Rouen.  Dedicated  to  Marie  Cath- 
erine de  Mouchy,  Dame  de  Medany.1 

1625. — Chriseide  et  Arimand,  tragi-comedie  (Alexandrines; 
5  acts)  by  Jean  Mairet.  Published  at  Paris,  1630.  Acted  at 
the  Hotel  de  Bourgogne.3 

1625. — Les  Folies  de  Cardenio.  Tragi-comedie  (Alexan- 
drines; 5  acts)  by  Pichou.  Privilege  Aug.  20,  1625.  Pub- 
lished at  Paris,  1629,  1633  and  1871.  Dedicated  to  Monsieur 
de  Sainct  Simon.    Acted  at  the  Hotel  de  Bourgogne.3 

1626. — Sephce,  tragedie-comique  du  P.  D.  Amedee,  chance- 
lier  du  college  a  Annecy.    Represented  Sept.  9.4 

1628. — Lambertiade,  tragicomedie  en  laquelle  seront  mis  sur 
le  theatre  les  plus  beaux  traits  de  la  vie  et  mort  du  glorieux  8. 
Lambert,  eveque  de  Mastricht  et  de  Liege.  Represented  by  the 
escolliers  du  college  de  la  compagnie  de  Jesus  a  Lux  [embourg,] 
en  la  salle  dudit  college,  Sept  12.  Published  at  Luxembourg, 
1628. 5 

1628. — Richecourt,  Trage-comedie  (Alexandrines;  5  acts; 
chorus  ;  partly  in  Latin)  by  Dom  Simplicien  Gody  (  ?).    Played 

tophon  and  his  first  play,  Aretaphile,  are  his  only  unpublished  plays, 
make  it  probable  that  Clitophon  was  his  second  play  and  was,  therefore, 
published  before  1630,  perhaps  in  1622,  which  is  the  date  assigned  to  the 
piece  by  all  the  bibliographers  except  Soleinne  and  Pont-de-Vesle,  who 
follow  the  date  given  in  the  manuscript. 

1  Maupoint,  238;  Beauchamps,  II,  85;  Freres  Parfaict,  IV,  375;  Lens, 
253;  La  Valliere,  I,  373;  Mouhy,  502;  Pont-de-Vesle,  29;  Clement,  I,  40; 
Soleinne,  I,  No.  909 ;  Brunet,  V,  969. 

2  Mahelot,  Memoir e,  fols.  54  vo  and  55;  Maupoint,  71;  Beauchamps, 
II,  112;  Freres  Parfaict,  IV,  337;  Leris,  79;  La  Valliere,  II,  88;  Mouhy, 
484;  Pont-de-Vesle,  37;  Soleinne,  I,  No.  1056;  Brunet,  III.  1323;  Rigal  in 
Petit  de  Julleville's  Histoire  de  la  Langue,  etc.,  IV,  233;  Bizos,  Etude,  103 
seq.;  Dannheisser  in  Rom.  Forschungen,  V,  39-40. 

3  Mahelot,  fols.  55  vo  and  56;  Maupoint,  144;  Beauchamps,  II,  103; 
Freres  Parfaict,  IV,  419;  Leris,  157;  La  Valliere,  II,  37;  Mouhy,  545; 
Pont-de-Vesle,  34;  Clement,  I,  387;  Soleinne,  I,  Nos.  1036-37;  Brunet, 
IV,  633;  Fournier,  Theatre;  Rigal  in  Petit  de  Julleville's  Histoire  de  la 
Langue,  etc.,  224  and  226. 

4The  play  is  lost.    Mugnier,  Theatre  en  Savoie,  86. 
5  Faber,  IV,  340. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  177 

by  the  Pensionnaires  des  Rr.  Peres  Benedictins  de  8.  Nicolas. 
Published  at  Saint-JSTicolas-de-Port  in  Lorraine.  1628  and 
1860.  Dedicated  to  Anthoine  de  Lenoncourt,  primate  of  Lor- 
raine.1 

1628. — Tyr  ei  Sidon.  Tragi-comedie  (Alexandrines;  two 
journees  of  five  acts  each)  by  Jean  de  Schelandre.  Paris.  Re- 
printed there,  1856.  Preceded  by  a  preface  au  lecteur  in  which 
Francois  Ogier  defends  the  drame  libre.2 

To  this  list  may  be  added  the  following  lost  plays  by  Hardy, 
the  plots  of  which,  skilfully  worked  out  by  Rigal  from  refer- 
ences to  them  in  Mahelot's  Memoire,  show  that  they  were  tragi- 
comedies. 

1593-1632.— L'Inceste  suppose. 

1600-1632. — Ozmin. 

1615-1632. — Pandoste  (two  journees). 

1612-1632. — Le  Frere  indiscret3 

From  the  list  have  been  omitted  Hardy's  Aristoclee,  which 
is  called  both  tragedy  and  tragi-comedy,  but  is  undoubtedly  a 
tragedy;  his  Ravissement  de  Proserpine  par  Pluton  and  Gigan- 
tomachie,  which  are  not  called  tragi-comedies,  and  differ  from 
them  by  their  mythological  plots,  in  which  practically  all  the 
personages  are  divine,  a  usage  unknown  to  French  tragi-come- 
dies; the  Ravissement  de  Cephale  (1608),  a  translation  of  an 
Italian  musical  melodrama  and  not  a  tragi-comedy,  as  it  is  called 
by  Beauchamps,  II,  78,  and  Clement,  II,  119 ;  and  the  unpub- 
lised  Isolite,  ou  VAmante  courageuse,  Po'eme  tragi-comique,  the 
date  of  which  is  unknown.4 

1Beaupr6,  Recherches  sur  I'imprimerie  en  Lorraine.  390-97,  Saint- 
Nicolas-de-Port,  1845;  Beauprg,  Richecourt,  Tragi-Comedie,  ibidem,  I860; 
Soleinne,  I,  No.  1031;  Brunet,  II,  1641. 

'Maupoint,  310;  Beauchamps  II,  78  and  100;  Lens,  335;  La  Valli&re, 
I,  408  and  II,  1;  Mouhy,  524;  Pont-de-Vesle,  33;  Clement,  II.  481;  Soleinne. 
I,  No.  1030;  Brunet,  V,  195;  Bibliotheque  Elzevirienne.  Ancien  Th6&tre, 
VIII,  5-225;  Robiou,  Essai,  I,  406  seq. ;  F.  A.  Aulard,  Schelandre.  Un 
romantique  en  1608,  Poitiers,  1883;  Rigal  in  Petit  de  Julleville's  Histoire 
de  la  Langue,  etc.,  IV,  226  seq.  . 

3  Rigal,  Alexandre  Hardy,  542-56;  Mahelot,  Fols.  20  vo,  21  vo,  22  vo,  36 
vo,  58  vo. 

4Cf.  La  Valliere,  I,  528. 


178  The  French  Tragi- Comedy : 

Tragi-comedies  pastorales  are  pastoral,  rather  than  tragi- 
comedies. As,  however,  they  show  the  effects  of  influence  from 
the  latter  genre,  those  which  appeared  between  1600  and  1628 
are  here  listed. 

1613. — L'Heureux  desespere.  Tragi-comedie  Pastorelle  by 
C.  A.  Seigneur  de  C.     Paris. 

1623. — he  Pasteur  fidelle,  tragi-comedie  pastoralle  de  Jean 
Baptists  Guarini,  translated  by  Anthoine  de  Liraud,  Lyonnois. 

1626. — La  Sylvie,  Tragi-comedie  pastorale  by  Jean  Mairet. 
Published  at  Paris,  1630. 

1626. — Carite,  Tragi-comedie  Pastorale.  Privilege,  June  2. 
Published  at  Paris,  1627. 

1627. — Endymion  ou  le  Bavissement,  Tragicomedie  pasto- 
ralle by  de  La  Morelle.    Paris. 

1627. — Endymion  ou  le  Bavissement,  Tragicomedie  Pasto- 
ralle by  de  La  Morelle.     Paris. 

1628. — La  Climene,  Tragi-comedie  Pastorale  by  C.  S.  de  la 
Croix.     Privilege,  Nov  24.     Published  at  Paris,  1629. 

1628. — Agimee  ou  L 'Amour  Extrauagant,  Tragi-comedie. 
by  S.  B.  [Sieur  Bridard.]  Privilege,  Dec.  3.  Published  at 
Paris,  1629.1 

III.  From  Rotrou's  First  Tragi-Comedy  to  the  Cid 
(1628-1636). 

1628. — L'Hypocondriaque  ou  le  Mort  amour eux  by  Jean 
Rotrou.     Published  at  Paris  1631. 2 

1629. — Ligdamon  et  Lidias  ou  La  Bessemblance  by  Georges 
de  Scudery.    Published  at  Paris,  1631. 3 

1630. — Ulnconstance  Punie  by  C.  S.  Sieur  de  la  Croix. 
Paris. 

1630. — La  Belinde  by  N.  de  Rampale.  Lyon. 

1  See  above,  page  132.     For  the  author's  name,  see  Soleinne,  I,  No.  1033. 

2  For  the  dates  of  Rotrou's  plays,  see  Stiefel,  ZF8L,  XVI    1-49. 

3  For  the  dates  of  Scudgry's  plays,  see  Batereau,  Georges  de  ScudSry. 


Its  Origin  and  Development.  179 

1630. — La  Genereuse  Allemande  ou  Le  Triomphe  a" Amour 
by  Antoine  Mareschal.  Of  its  two  journees,  the  first  was  pub- 
lished in  1631,  the  second  in  1630,  but  the  privilege  for  both 
is  dated  Sept.  1  of  the  latter  year.    Paris. 

1630. — Les  Advantures  Amoureuses  d'  Omphalle  by  Grand- 
champ.     Paris. 

1630. — Argents  et  Poliarque  ou  Theocrine  by  Pierre  Du 
Ryer.      Paris. 

1631. — Argenis,  the  second  journee  of  the  preceding.  Paris. 

1631. — La  Madonte  by  Jean  Auvray.  Paris.1 

1631. — La  Dorinde  by  Jean  Auvray.     Paris. 

1631. — Le  Triomphe  d'Octave  Cesar  by  Pere  D.  Charles- 
Jerome  Rosario,  played  at  Annecy,  Aug  16  and  17. 2 

1631.— If I nfidelle  Conftdente  by  Pichou.  Paris- 

1631. — Les  Travaux  d'TJlysse  by  I.  G.  Durval.  Paris. 

1631. — L'Indienne  Amoureuse  ou  L'Heureux  Naufrage  by 
Du  Rocher.    Privilege,  June  14.     Published  at  Paris,  1635. 

1631. — Le  Trompeur  puny  ou  YHistoire  septentrionale  by 
Georges  de  Scudery.     Published  at  Paris,  1633. 

1632. — Les  Passions  esgarees  ou  Le  Roman  du  Temps  by  de 
Richemont  Banchereau.     Paris. 

1632. — L'Esperance  Glorieuse  by  de  Richemont  Banchereau. 
Paris. 

1632. — L'Orizelle  ou  Les  Extremes  Monuuements  d' Amour 
by  C.  Chabrol.     Paris. 

1632. — Lisandre  et  Caliste  by  Pierre  Du  Ryer.     Paris. 

1632. — Clitandre  ov  L'lnnocence  delivree  by  Pierre  Cor- 
neille.    Paris. 

1632-1633. — Le  Vassal  Genereux  by  Georges  de  Scudery. 
Published  at  Paris,  1635. 

JThe  Freres  Parfaict,  IV,  494,  date  this  play  1630  because  Auvray 
alludes  to  it  in  the  dedication  of  his  Dorinde.  As  the  privilege  of  the  latter 
play,  however,  is  dated  May  30,  1631,  this  allusion  is  no  proof  that  Madonte 
was  not  written  in  the  early  months  of  1631.  Its  privilege  is  dated  March 
7,  1631. 

2  See  Mugnier,  Theatre  en  Savoie,  87.    The  play  is  not  extant. 

3  Privilege,  March  8,  before  which  date  the  author  had  been  assassinated. 


180  The    French   Tragi- Comedy : 

1632-1633. — La  Celiane  by  Jean  Kotrou.  Published  at  Paris, 
1637. 

1633. — Le  Ravissement  de  Florisse  ou  VHeureux  Evenement 
des  Oracles  by  de  Corrneille.     Paris. 

1633. — Pyrandre  et  Lisimene  ou  L'Heureuse  Tromperie  by 
Francois  Le  Metel  de  Boisrobert.     Paris. 

1633. — La  Virginie  by  Jean  Mairet.  Published  at  Paris, 
1635.1 

1633. — La  Bourgeoise  ou  La  Promenade  de  S.  Cloud  by  de 
Rayssiguier.    Paris. 

1633. — La  Comedie  des  Comediens  by  Gougenot.     Paris. 

1633. — La  Fidelle  Tromperie  by  Gougenot.     Paris. 

1633. — Les  Heureuses  avantures  by  le  Hayer  du  Perron. 
Paris. 

1633. — Les  Occasions  perdues  by  Jean  Rotrou.  Published 
at  Paris,  1635. 

1633. — L'Heureux  Naufrage  by  Jean  Rotrou.  Published 
at  Paris,  1637. 

1633-1634. — La  Pelerine  Amoureuse  by  Jean  Rotrou.  Pub- 
lished at  Paris,  1637. 

1634. — Cleagenor  et  Doristee  by  Jean  Rotrou.  Paris. 

1634. — L'Innocente  Infidelite  by  Jean  Rotrou.  Published  al 
Paris,  1637. 

1634. — La  Soeur  Valeureuse  ou  UAveugle  Amante  by  An- 
toine  Mareschal.  Paris. 

1634. — Alcimedon  by  Pierre  Du  Ryer.  Paris. 

1634. — Les  Amours  de  Palinice,  Circeine  et  Florice  by  de 
Rayssiguier.     Paris. 

1635. — La  Celidee  sous  le  nom  de  Calirie  ou  de  la  Generosite 
d' Amour  by  de  Rayssiguier.    Paris. 

1635. — Les  Thuilleries  by  de  Rayssiguier.  Privilege,  Dec. 
31.    Published  at  Paris,  1636. 

1635. — 8.  Sebastien  Marytr  by  Ivodevs  de  Croock.  Repre- 
sented at  Audenarde,  Sept.  21.     Published  at  Ghent,  1635.3 

1635. — Orante  by  Georges  de  Scudery.     Paris. 

1  Cf.  Dannheisser,  Romanische  Forschungen,  V,  47. 
2Faber,  IV,  337. 


lis  Origin  and  Development.  181 

1635. — Le  Prince  deguise  by  Georges  de  Scudery.     Paris. 

1Q35.—Agarite  by  I.  G.  Durval.  Privilege,  March  13.  Pub- 
lished at  Paris,  1636. 

1635. — Le  Jaloux  sans  Suiet  by  Charles  Beys.    Paris. 

1635. — L'Ospital  des  Fous  by  Charles  Beys.  Privilege,  Nov. 
21.    Published  at  Paris,  1637. 

1635. — L'Heureuse  Constance  by  Jean  Rotrou.     Paris. 

1636. — Amelie  by  Jean  Rotrou.     Published  at  Paris,  1637. 

1636. — Agesilan  de  Colchos  by  Jean  Rotrou.  Published  at 
Paris,  1637. 

1636. — La  Belle  Alphrede  by  Jean  Rotrou.  Published  at 
Paris,  1639. 

1636. — Les  Deux  Pucelles  by  Jean  Rotrou.  Published  at 
Paris,  1639. 

1636. — L'Amant  liberal  by  Georges  de  Scudery.  Published 
at  Paris,  1638. 

1636. — Le  Duelliste  malheureux.    Rouen. 

1636. — Cleomedon  by  Pierre  Du  Ryer.  Published  at  Paris, 
1637.1 

1636. — Le  Cid  by  Pierre  Corneille.  Published  at  Paris, 
1637.2 

'As  the  privilege  is  dated  le  dernier  Decembre,  1636  the  achev6  d'  im- 
printer, Feb.  21,  1636;  and  the  title  page,  1637,  there  is  evidently  an  error 
somewhere.  Beauchamps,  II,  110,  changes  the  privilege  to  Dec.  31,  1635, 
thus  necessitating  a  second  alteration,  as  the  date  of  the  title-page  should 
be  1636  to  coincide  with  that  of  the  acheve-  d'imprimer.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  error  be  located  in  the  acheve  d'imprimer  and  its  date  changed 
to  1637,  the  two  other  dates  may  be  allowed  to  stand.  An  error,  moreover, 
was  more  likely  to  occur  in  the  acheve  d'imprimer  than  in  the  privilege, 
a  document  in  which  the  date  was  of  particular  importance.  For  these 
reasons  it  seems  probable  that  the  privilege  was  given  Dec.  31,  1636,  and 
that  the  publication  was  completed,  Feb.  21,  1637. 

2  From  this  list  have  been  omitted  L'Amphytrite  by  Monleon,  Paris,  1630, 
called  a  tragicomedy  by  Leris,  31,  but  apparently  not  a  dramatic  composi- 
tion; Les  amours  infortune'es  de  Ltandre  et  d'  He'ron,  by  de  la  Selve,  Mont- 
pellier,  1633,  on  account  of  its  unhappy  denouement ;  L'Amour  Bangui- 
naire,  1633,  the  classification  of  which  as  a  tragi-comedy  is  due  to  the 
unreliable  testimony  of  Beauchamps,  II,  131;  and  Cloreste  cited  by  Beau- 
champs,  II,  5,  as  a  tragi-comedy  by  Baro,  played  in  1636,  but  evidently  the 
same  as  that  author's  Clorise,  a  pastoral  played  before  the  queen  in  1636. 


182  The  French  Tragi-Comedy : 


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Paris,  1895. 
La  Litterature  frangaise  des  origines  a  la  fin  du  XV I e 

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Conferences   de   VOdeon:   Les   epoques  du   theatre   fran- 

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L 'Evolution  des  Genres  dans  VHistoire  de  la  Litterature, 

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LIFE. 


Born  at  Richmond,  Virginia,  November  10,  18S2,  1  was 
educated  at  private  schools,  including  that  conducted  by  Captain 
W.  Gordon  McCabe,  and  at  the  University  of  Virginia,  where 
I  was  a  student  from  September,  1900,  to  June,  1903,  grad- 
uating with  the  degrees  of  A.  B.  and  A.  M.  After  spending 
a  year  as  instructor  at  the  University  School  of  Montgomery, 
Alabama,  I  entered  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  in  the  fall 
of  1904,  taking  French  as  a  principal  subject,  Spanish  and 
Italian  as  first  and  second  subordinate  subjects,  and  following 
courses  offered  by  Professors  Elliott,  Ogden,  Armstrong,  Mar- 
den,  Shaw,  Keidel,  Warren,  Vos,  and  Bloomfield.  Since  com- 
ing to  the  University,  it  has  been  my  good  fortune  to  hold 
two  Virginia  Scholarships  and  the  Fellowship  in  the  Romance 
Department  for  the  current  year.  The  summers  of  1905  and 
1906  were  passed  in  Europe,  principally  at  Paris,  where  I  was 
occupied,  during  the  second  summer,  with  the  collection  of  ma- 
terial for  my  dissertation. 

It  gives  me  much  pleasure  to  thank  Professor  R.  W.  Wilson 
of  the  University  of  Virginia  for  early  instruction  in  Romance 
languages,  and  the  professors  whose  lectures  I  have  attended  at 
the  Johns  Hopkins  for  the  information  and  inspiration  that  they 
have  afforded  me.  I  would  express  to  Professor  Armstrong  my 
appreciation  of  his  careful  and  comprehensive  courses  on  the 
French  language  ;  I  would  acknowledge  the  benefit  received  from 
Professor  Ogden's  expression  of  enlightened  literary  views,  his 
suggestion  of  the  subject  of  my  dissertation,  and  the  assistance 
that  he  has  rendered  me  during  its  progress.  To  Professor  Elliott 
I  am  particularly  indebted  for  a  most  careful  criticism  of  my 
dissertation  and  for  wise  and  sympathetic  guidance  in  various 
fields  of  literary  and  philological  research. 

HENRY  CARRINGTON  LANCASTER. 

Baltimore,  April  21,  1907. 


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